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New  York  University 

Elijah  andElisha 

And  their  part  in  the  politico-religioui  crisis 
in  Israel  in  the  ninth  century  B.  C 


Thesis  for  the  Doctorate 

Submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  require* 
ments  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

By 
LINDSAY  B.  LONGACRE 


NEW  YpRK 
1908 


New  York  University 

Elijah  andElisha 

And  their   part  in  the  politico-religious  crisis 
in  Israel  in  the  ninth  century  B.  C 


Thesis  for  the  Doctorate 

Submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  require- 
ments for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

By 
UNDSAY  B.  LONGACRE 


NEW  YORK 
1908 


•  :  .  •  • 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  literature  is  meagre  and  fragmentary,  and  is  to  be 
found  almost  exclusively  in  works  of  a  general  character 
whose  scope  includes  the  subjects  here  discussed. 

Introductions  to  O.  T.  Literature: 

Bleek  (ed.  Wellhausen) ;  Cornill;  Driver;  Kuenen; 
Wellhausen,  Composition  of  the  Hexateuch. 

Commentaries  on  the  books  of  the  Kings: 

Bahr;  Keil;  Thenius;  Klostermann;  Kittel;  Benzinger. 

Histories  of  the  Jewish  People: 

Ewald;  Renan;  Schiirer;  Graetz;  Stade;  Kittel;  H.  P. 
Smith. 

Works  of  a  historical  character: 

Wellhausen,  Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel;  W. 
R.  Smith,  The  Old  Test,  in  the  Jewish  Church,  The 
Prophets  of  Israel;  Cornill,  The  Prophets  of  Israel. 

The  Religion  of  the  Hebrews: 

Kuenen,  The  Religion  of  Israel;  Budde,  The  Religion 
of  Israel  to  the  Exile;  Curtiss,  Primitive  Semitic 
Religion  Today. 

Homiletical: 

P.  Cassel,  d.  Prophet  Elisa;  Krummacher,  Elias;  Elisa; 
W.  M.  Taylor,  Elijah. 

3 


Monogr.nplis: 

A.  Clemen,  Die  Wunderberichte  uber  Elia  ii.  Elisa; 
Milligan,  Elijah  (Men  of  the  Bible) ;  Gunkel,  Elias, 
Jahve  u.  Baal  (Religionsges.  Volksbticher) ;  Erbt, 
Elia,  Elisa  u.  Jona. 

Bible  Dictionaries: 

Jewish  Encyclopedia,  arts,  on  Elijah  by  Konig,  L. 
Grinzberg,  M.  Seligsohn  and  K.  Kohler;  on  Elisha  by 
Hirsch  and  Konig.  Encyclopedia  Biblica  (ed.  Cheyne 
and  Black)  arts,  on  Elijah  and  on  Elisha  by  W.  E. 
Addis.  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  (ed.  Hastings)  arts, 
on  Elijah  and  on  Elisha  by  J.  Strachan. 

Unclassified: 

Kautzsch,  The  Literature  of  the  O.  T.  (a  reprint  of  the 
Supplements  to  the  Author's  Heilige  Schrift  des  Alten 
Testaments. ) 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

Introductory: 

Sec.   I.  The  Religious  Background: 

a.  influence  of  Polytheism  in  Israel — the  people  loyal 
to  JHVH — Elijah  and  Elisha  are  supported  by  the 
popular  faith,     pp  9-11. 

b.  Ahab  and  Jezebel — their  support  of  Baal,  not  neces- 
sarily antagonism  to  JHVH.     pp  12-14. 

Sec.  II.  The  Scripture  Material: 

Its  composite  character — ^^separation  into  three  groups 
— their  historical  value — early  reduction  to  writing — 
criticism  of  Gunkel's  book,     pp  15-22. 

Sec.  III.  Elijah: 

a.  detailed  survey  of  Scriptural  material — b.  per- 
sonality— c.  aim  and  method — d.  results — e.  later 
tradition,     pp  23-41. 

Sec.  IV.     Elisha: 

a.  detailed  survey  of  Scriptural  material — b.  personal- 
ity— c.  aim  and  method — d.  results — e.  relations  with 
Syria,     pp  42-54. 

Sec.  V.  The  Work  of  Elijah  and  Elisha. 

The  two  are  united  in  a  single  work — their  success 
must  be  judged  by  their  aims — influence  on  subse- 
quent history — their  work  characterized,     pp  55.-56. 


2S&2m 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

Microsoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/elijahelishatheiOOIongrich 


Elijah  and  Elisha 

The  9th  century  B.  C.  falls  between  two  significant 
periods  in  the  history  of  Israel.  In  the  century  preceding, 
under  Saul,  David,  and  Solomon,  the  national  life  had 
crystalized  into  a  kingdom  which  not  only  was  established, 
but  was  expanded  to  an  extent,  and  exalted  to  a  magnifi- 
cence which  it  never  surpassed.  In  the  century  following  the 
ninth,  the  appearance  of  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  and  Micah, 
marks  the  definite  emergence  of  a  factor  in  the  national 
life,  viz,  that  of  the  prophets,  which  is  now  seen  to  have 
been  not  only  more  vital  but  also  more  enduring, 
than  that  of  the  kings  and  of  the  kingdom.  Be- 
tween these  two  centuries,  each  of  such  exceptional 
significance,  the  ninth  seems,  at  first,  insignificant 
by  comparison.  Many  of  its  years  are  given  over  to 
civil  wars,  ensuing  upon  the  revolt  of  the  main  body  of  the 
people  from,  the  Davidic  dynasty.  Foreign  wars  also  occur 
frequently  and  are  carried  on  with  varied  fortune.  In  one 
respect,  however,  this  century  is  conspicuous.  It  witnesses 
the  begining  of  a  movement  whose  place  in  the  religious 
history  of  Isarel,  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  This  move- 
ment is  based  upon  the  principle  that  worship  of  any  other 


God  than  JHVH^  was  disloyalty  to  JHVH.  This  idea 
was  by  no  means  taken  for  granted  by  a  people  accustomed 
from  time  immemorial,  to  the  recognition  and  worship  of 
more  gods  than  one.  The  ninth  century  was  the  period  In 
which  this  issue  was  definitely  raised,  and  launched  on  a 
course  which  led  eventually  to  the  enduring  monotheism  of 
the  later  prophets.  This  achievement  was  especially  the 
work  of  prophets  and  this  century  can  show  no  more  splen- 
did name  than  that  of  the  prophet  Elijah.  Associated  with 
him,  and  equal  in  importance,  is  the  less  prominent  Elisha. 
The  present  study  is  concerned  with  the  character  and  work 
of  these  two  men,  especially  with  reference  to  the  religious 
crisis  which  characterizes  this  century  of  Hebrew  history. 

'This  symbol  of  the  divine  name  Is  used  in  this  study. 
as  the  most  satisfactory  reproduction  of  the  Hebrew  record 
and  usage.  The  four  English  letters  correspond  to  the  four 
Hebrew  letters  of  the  Hebrew  word.  As  these  letters  stand, 
they  cannot  be  pronounced  because  no  vowels  appear.  In 
the  Hebrew,  the  word  cannot  be  pronounced  for  the  same 
reason.  Wherever  this  Name  occurs  in  the  Hebrew  text,  a 
different  word  is  always  pronounced,  viz:  ADONAI,  the 
Lord;  the  Hebrew  consonants,  when  pointed,  alwaj'^s  being 
pointed  with  the  vowels  of  the  word  ADONAI.  In  1518  A. 
D,.  Petrus  Galatinus,  Confessor  of  Leo  X,  proposed  to  read 
these  vowels  and  consonants  as  though  they  belonged  to 
each  other.  From  this  contrivance  arose  the  word, 
JEHOVAH;  but  this  is  no  more  a  real  word  than  the  result 
one  might  obtain  by  combining  the  consonants  of  the  word 
GERMANY  with  the  vowels  of  the  word  PORTUGAL,  viz: 
GORMUNA,  which  is  no  word  at  all.  The  reverent  reluct- 
ance to  pronounce  the  divine  name  is  of  such  an  early  date 
that  the  correct  pronunciation  has  long  been  forgotten. 
There  are  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  JAHVEH 
approaches  the  truth,  and  this  pronunciation  has  found 
wide  acceptance;  but  the  reasons  are  not  final,  and  the 
original  pronunciation  will  probably  never  be  recovered.  Cf. 
Moore:  Notes  on  the  name  niD^I  Amer.  Jour.  Theol.  Jan. 
1908. 

8 


I. 

a.  THE  RELIGIOUS  BACKGROUND. 

The  western  mind  finds  it  difficult  to  appreciate  the 
religious  feeling  of  the  oriental.  Eastern  life  is  domin- 
ated by  religious  considerations  to  an  extent  practically  in- 
credible to  an  American.  A  fundamental  element  in  an  esti- 
mate of  any  period  of  Oriental  life  is  the  recognition  of  the 
place  held  by  religious  motives  and  interests.  The  modern 
textual,  literary,  and  historical  study  of  the  O.  T.  has  done 
much  to  explain  some  of  the  phenomena  of  the  writings 
themselves;  but  such  considerations  can  never  supply  all 
the  elements  necessary  for  a  reconstruction  of  the  history. 
Pyschologically  the  Oriental  stands  on  a  different  eminence 
from  the  Westerner,  and  between  the  two  there  is  a  great 
gulf  fixed,  which  must  at  least  be  recognized,  if  not  bridged, 
before  the  one  can  approach  an  adequate  understanding  of 
the  other. 

The  religion  of  JHVH  did  not  begin  with  the 
work  of  Elijah  and  Elisha;  they  neither  invented  nor  discov- 
ered the  deity  they  served.  Their  religion  was  that  of  their 
compatriots,  and  their  God  was  JHVH.  The  monotheism 
of  a  later  day,  however,  is  by  no  means  to  be  assumed. 
JHVH  was  still  but  one  God  among  many.  The  first  chapter 
of  Judges  shows  that  the  Hebrews  settled  among  the  Cana- 
anites  instead  of  driving  them  out;  and  it  was  inevitable 
that  Canaanite  worship  should  exert  a  strong  influence  up- 
on the  invaders.-  Such  an  influence  could  do  no  violence  to 
the  national  conscience,  (1)  because  of  the  universal  belief 
in  many  gods,  whose  worship  was  not  considered  mutually 
exclusive;'  and    (2)    because  of  the  common  association  of 


*cf.  Budde:  Religion  of  Israel  to  the  Exile;  Lect.  ii. 
•I  Sam.  8:8;  ii  Ki.  17:24-33;  Hos.  2:5;   Ezk.  20  passim. 


a  deity  with  a  particular  locality.*  Although,  under  David  a 
habitation  for  JHVH  had  been  established  at  Jerusalem, 
and  although  JHVH  was  undoubtedly  the  God  of  the  He- 
brews, there  is  no  indication  in  the  narratives  of  this  period 
that  there  had  ever  been  any  formal  and  definite  question 
raised  as  to  the  impropriety  of  worshiping  other  gods,  where 
their  worship  was  customary.  Even  Solomon's  provision  for 
the  worship  of  his  foreign  wives  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
a  forsaking  of  JHVH.  He  did  not  worship  JHVH  less 
because  he  consented  to  this  other  worship.  His  act  is  con- 
demned only  from  a  later  point  of  view.  It  was  not  until 
the  days  of  Ahab,  as  far  as  the  record  goes,  that  the  definite 
issue  was  raised  of  worshipping  JHVH  exclusively. 

But  all  this  did  not  make  JHVH  any  less  the  God  of 
Israel.  In  the  days  of  Elijah  and  Elisha  he  was 
worshipped  by  all,  not  at  one  shrine  but  at  many  shrines. 
He  was  the  God  who  had  brought  the  people  out  of  Egypt" 
It  was  he  whose  temple  had  been  built  at  Jerusalem,  con- 
firming the  establishment  of  his  worship  and  of  his  worship- 
pers in  Canaan.  The  two  early  documents  of  the  Hexateuch, 
J.  and  E.,  bear  undoubted  testimony  to  the  national  de- 
votion to  JHVH  in  this  period.  The  evening  offering 
(cf  i  K.  18,^) as  witnessed  in  the  narrative  under  review, 
was  at  this  time  a  well  established  custom.  So  absolutely 
was  JHVH  accepted  as  the  God  of  the  nation,  that  Jeroboam 
who  led  the  great  revolt  felt  his  tenure  insecure  until  he 
had  provided  shrines  for  JHVH  worship  within  the 
bounds  of  the  northern  kingdom. 


*i  Sam.  26:9;  i  Ki.  20:23;  ii  Ki.  5:17;  cf.  Moore:   Judges, 
p.  294. 
•of.  Kautzsch  in  H.  B.  D.  extra  vol.  p.  612. 


10 


The  great  documents  above  mentioned  indicate  the  atti- 
tude toward  JHVH  not  only  among  the  people  at  large, 
but  among  prophetic  circles  in  particular.  It  was  in  this 
environment  that  the  conception  of  JHVH's  supremacy 
took  deepest  root  and  called  out  the  most  enduring  expiefa- 
sion,  Elijah  and  Elisha  are  often  looked  upon  as  though 
they  were  separated  by  a  wide  gulf  from  tne  religious 
thought  and  life  of  their  day;  whereas  they  stand  on  a  veiy 
sound  basis  of  popular  religious  feeling,  as  well  as  among  a 
circle  in  which  they  might  be  eminent,  but  not  different  in 
kind.  Instances  of  this  higher  type  of  prophetic  thought  and 
character  may  be  seen  in  "Nathan,  in  the  days  of  David,  and 
^Micaiah  ben  Imlah  in  the  days  of  Ahab. 

On  the  one  hand  then,  Elijah  and  Elisha,  drew  their 
Inspiration  from  a  tradition  and  fellowship  which  represent 
an  important  element  in  the  life  of  their  time;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  while  their  work  was  distinguished  by  their 
own  strong  individualities,  it  was  quite  in  keeping  with 
the  source  from  which  it  sprang. 

•ii  Sam.  12:1  ff. 
U  Ki.  22:8  ff 


11 


b.  AHAB  AND  JEZEBEL. 

In  the  days  of  Elijah  the  prophet,  Ahab  son  of  Omri, 
ascended  the  throne  of  Israel.  Judged  by  the  political 
standards  of  the  time  he  did  his  duty  by  the  nation,  and 
showed  himself  a  ruler,  by  no  means  lacking  in  ability  and 
courage.  He  was  valiant  in  battle  (i  K.  22:32-34);  he 
beautified  the  capital,  Samaria,  by  the  erection  of  fine  build- 
ings (i  K.  16:32,  22:39);  he  also  improved  other  cities,  as 
well  as  the  capital,  (i  K.  22:39);  he  strengthened  his  posi- 
tion from  time  to  time  by  diplomatic  alliances.  For  the  firr?t 
time  since  the  separation  of  the  two  kingdoms,  peace  was 
established;  and  Ahab  and  Jehoshaphat  are  on  friendly 
terms  (i  K.  22:2.  44).  He  was  occasionally  able  to  conclude 
favorable  treaties  with  Syria  (i  K.  20:3  4.)  His  best  re- 
membered alliance,  however,  was  with  Tyre  and  Sidon,  in 
the  marriage  with  Jezebel,  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king  of 
Sidon;  but  this  is  remembered  for  its  religious,  rather  than 
for  its  political  significance.  Ahab  himself  seems  to  have  been 
quite  as  sincere  in  his  JHVH  worship  as  probably,  the  ma- 
jority of  his  subjects.  His  three  children  bear  names  com- 
pounded with  ,the  divine  name.*  Prophets  of  JHVH  had 
their  places  at  court.*  His  wife  Jezebel  adheres  to  the  wor- 
ship of  her  own  native  deity,  the  Tyrian  Baal;  and  to  her  is 
ascribed  the  work  of  making  the  worship  of  Baal  such  an 
important  movement,  that  it  precipitates  the  crisis  in  which 
Elijah   and   Elisha  are  the   most  conspicious   actors.      Just 


*Ahaziah,  Joram,  Athaliah. 
'i  Ki.  22:6.  8. 

12 


what  Jezebel's  part  was,  is  difficult  to  determine.  According 
to  the  "prophetic"  group  of  narratives  (e.  g.  i  K.  19:14) 
an  effort  was  being  made  with  fair  success,  to  stamp  out 
JHVH  worship  in  Israel.  On  the  other  hand,  the  "royal" 
group  of  narratives  indicate  that  there  was  no  interference 
with  the  adherents  of  JHVH  (e  g.  i  K.  20:  i:;.  2 S.  22:6.  8). 
The  truth  probably  lies  between  these  extremes;  for,  that 
Jezebel  carried  on  some  propaganda  in  favor  of  Baal  worship, 
can  hardly  be  doubted.  Her  antagonism  against  it  may  well 
have  been  due  to  mixed  motives.  Elijah's  zeal  for  JHVH 
would  inevitably  involve  opposition  to  foreign  support  of 
alien  deities.  Jezebel's  imperious  temper  is  finely  suggested 
in  the  LXX  reading  of  i  K.  19 :  2  ei  aif  €t  HXetov  Kxi  eycj  lesxpeX 
and  her  unscrupulous  insistence  upon  all  royal 
preogatives,  real  or  supposed,  (e.  g.  i  Ki.  21:7), 
is  convincingly  indicated.  In  order  to  take  the 
place  she  now  holds  in  the  narrative,  she  must  have 
been  an  exceptional  woman,  of  stronger  will  than  her 
husband,  Ahab,  and  the  instigator  of  a  movement  of  suffi- 
cient magnitude  to  awaken  not  only  the  suspicions  but  also 
the  actual  opposition  of  the  better  class  of  prophets.  Well- 
hausen^**  so  far  minifies  this  activity  of  Jezebel  as  to  deny 
any  trace  of  a  religious  disturbance  which  divided  the  peo- 
ple. He  cites  (1)  the  existence  of  JHVH  prophets  at 
Bethel,  Jericho  and  Gilgal;  (2)  the  Jehovah  prophets  in 
Ahab's  court;  (3)  the  names  of  Ahab's  sons;  (4)  the  Syrian 
wars,  which  he  supposes  would  absorb  the  strength  of  the 
people.  It  seems  to  the  present  writer  that  these  are  by  no 
means  conclusive,  and  for  the  following  reasons:  (1)  the 
fact  that  all  the  JHVH  prophets  were  not  annihilated,  by 
no  means  indicates  inactivity  on  the  part  of  Jezebel.  Her 
aim  seems  to  have  been  to  naturalize  and  nationalize  the 


'Prol.  Eng.  Trans,  p  289. 

13 


worship  of  Baal  in  Israel,  and  to  oppose  the-  prophets  only 
as  they  opposed  this  purpose.  But  even  had  she  begun 
an  aggressive  persecution  looking  toward  total  suppression 
of  the  JHVH  worship,  the  prophetic  schools,  which  had  been 
long  established  before  Jezebel  arrived,  could  not  have  been 
wiped  out  in  a  moment.  The  national  loyalty  to  JHVH  and 
his  prophets  would  have  made  this  difficult,  even  for  a 
Jezebel;  (2)  the  presence  of  such  a  prophet  as  Micaiah  in 
the  court,  with  the  obvious  friction  which  existed  between 
him  and  Ahab,  i  K.  2 2^), indicates  that  there  was  some  re- 
ligious difficulty  in  the  air.  And  this  testimony  is  the  more 
convincing  because  found  in  the  "royal"  group  of  narra- 
tives, which  make  no  mention  of  Elijah,  and  which  are  fav- 
orable to  the  King;  (3)  the  names  of  Ahab's  sons  proves 
nothing  either  way.  He  also  erected  a  temple  for  Baal 
worship;  (4)  where  all  wars  are  religious  wars,"  it  is  idle 
to  say  that  war  displaces  religious  interests.  It  is  nearer 
the  truth  to  say  that  the  Syrian-  wars  would  have  quickened 
the  response  of  the  people  to  just  such  an  appeal  as  an. 
Elijah  could   make. 

In  view  of  these  considerations  it  seems  quite  justifia- 
ble to  find  in  Jezebel,  if  not  the  sole  cause,  at  least  the) 
chief  cause,  and  certainly  the  most  conspicuous  figure,  in 
the  Baal  movement.  When  Wellhausen  goes  on  to  say  that, 
"It  is  a  fact  that  the  prophet's  hatred  of  Baal  succeed- 
ed at  last  in  overturning  the  dynasty  of  Omri,"  it  is  difficult 
to  understand  his  reluctance  to  connect  Jezebel  with  the 
movement  to  any  appreciable  degree.  On  purely  textrueal 
grounds  this  position  is  permissible;  but  the  psychology  of 
the  situation  makes  it  quite  untenable. 


^e.  g.  i  Ki.  20:13.23.28;  22:5;  ii  Ki.  3:11;  and  the  Moabite 
Stone. 


14 


II. 

THE  SCRIPTURAL  MATERIAL 

The  Scriptural  material  is  found  in  the  two  books  of 
the  Kings,  i  K.  16:29 — ii  K.  10:36.  This  passage,  which 
begins  with  the  accession  of  Ahab  to  the  throne  of  Israel 
(  1.  e.  of  the  Northern  Kingdom)  and  closes  with  the  death 
of  Jehu,  includes  the  narratives  of  Elijah  and  Elisha. 

The  literary  character  is  uneven,  but  there  may  be 
found  here  passages  second  to  none  in  the  Hebrew  Litera- 
ture for  loftiness  of  style,  descriptive  power,  and  dramatic 
intensity.  Such  passages  are  the  famous  accounts  of  Elijah 
i  K.  17-19,  21;  the  story  of  Ahab's  last  battle  i  K.  22;  the 
healing  of  Naaman  ii  K.  5;  the  siege  and  deliverance  of 
Samaria  ii  K.  6:24-7;  and  the  revolt  and  accession  of  Jehu 
ii  K.  9,  10. 

Upon  careful  inspection  of  the  whole  passage.  It  be- 
comes evident  that,  instead  of  forming  a  continuous  and 
homogenous  whole,  it  consists  of  a  collection  or  compilation 
of  such  narratives  as  those  above  mentioned,  along  with 
passages  of  quite  different  style  and  extent.  The  composite 
character  appears  as  follows:  At  i  K.  16:29  where  the 
passage  begins,  there  is  found  a  concise  statement  of  the 
accession  of  Ahab  to  the  throne  of  Israel;  the  date  is  syn- 
chronized with  the  year  of  the  King  then  reigning  in 
Judah;  the  length  of  Ahab's  reign  is  given,  and  a  criticism 
or  estimate  is  offered  of  the  religious  character  of  Ahab 
and  his  conduct  as  King.  The  style  is  statistical,  and  the 
point  of  view  dominated  by  concern  for  the  sole  worship  of 
JHVH. 

With  cp.  17,  appears  abruptly  the  first  of  the  splendid 
Elijah  narratives.     The  style  is  at  once  graphic  and  flowing. 

15 


The  center  of  interest  is  the  prophet  and  his  work. 
With  the  close  of  cp.  19,  the  story  of  Elijah  is  apparently- 
closed,  and  cp.  20  begins  with  a  new  subject,  quite  as 
abruptly  as  cp.  17  began  with  Elijah.  In  cp.  20,  the  King, 
rather  than  the  prophet  is  the  chief  figure.  Prophets  and 
"men  of  God"  appear,  but  Elijah  himself  is  absent.  Ahab 
is  presented  in  a  light  by  no  means  an  unfavorable  one,  in 
contrast  to  his  characterization  in  cp  18,  and  the  con- 
demnation he  here  incurs  is  due  to  political  rather  than 
religious  considerations.  This  cp.  is  not,  however,  a  return 
to  the  style  observed  in  cp.  16:29.  Cp.  20  contains  nothing 
of  the  statistical  character,  nor  any  thing  to  indicate  the 
special  view  of  JHVH  worship  which  characterizes  the  ear- 
lier passage. 

With  cp.  21,  Elijah  again  appears  in  the  chief  place  and 
the  whole  character  of  the  cp.  indicates  it  to  be  a  continua- 
tion of  cp.  19  or  at  least  to  belong  to  the  same  original 
source.  This  view  is  confirmed  by  two  further  considera- 
tions: (1)  cp.  22,  in  form,  matter,  and  point  of  view,  is 
seen  at  once  to  connect  itself  directly  with  cp.  20,  of  which 
it  is  obviously  the  continuation;  (2)  in  LXX  (Vat.  and 
Luc),  cpp.  20,  21  of  the  Hebrew  Text  stand  in  inverted  or- 
der. This  not  only  maintains  the  integrity  of  the  Elijah 
group,  cpp.  17-19,  21,  which  then  becomes  cpp.  17-20,  but 
also  that  of  the  Ahab  group,  cpp.  20,  22,  which  then  be- 
comes cpp.    21,    22. 

W^th  cp.  22:39  the  style  and  interest  recur,  which 
characterize  cp.  16:29,  continuing  to  the  end  of  the  chapter 
and  of  the  book. 

Passing  to  ii  K.,  similar  conditions  are  found  Such 
passages  as  1:18,  3:1-3,  8:16-19,  23-29,  9:29  and  10:28-36, 
continue  the  work  of  the  statistician.  Such  passages  as 
3:4-27,    6:24-7,    9 — 10:27,   continue   the   narratives   which, 

16 


while  Involving  the  prophets,  yet  find  their  center  of  gravity 
In  their  concern  with  the  King  and  the  Kingdom.  And 
finally,  the  cpp.  in  i  K.  which  are  devoted  to  Elijah,  find 
their  continuation  and  counterpart  in  ii  K.  1,  2,  4-6:23 
and  8:1-15,  which  recount  the  exploits  of  Elisha. 

In  addition  to  the  facts  adduced  above,  the  compiler 
himself  indicates  that  his  book  represents  his  personal 
selection  of  material  by  his  frequent  references  to  records 
which  can  supply  items  he  has  chosen  to  omit,  e.  g.  i  K. 
16:27,  22:39.  45,  ii  K.  1:18,  10:34. 

Modern  opinion  is  unanimous  in  justifying  a  partition 
of  these  cpp.  according  to  probable  sources,  but  no  single 
scheme  has  been  generally  accepted  in  all  its  details.  The 
separation  indicated  above  is  followed  in  its  essential  fea- 
tures by  Driver,  Kittel,  Wellhausen,  Keunen,  and  others, 
and  represents  the  view  most  widely  accepted.  The  best 
established  feature  of  the  scheme  is  that  which  deals  with 
the  statistical  passages  sometimes  called  the  "Epitome."  In 
regard  to  these  the  opinion  is  practically  unanimous.  They 
are  looked  upon  as  a  kind  of  literary  framework,  con- 
structed by  the  author  from  earlier  sources,  into  which  he 
has  fitted  the  various  selections  made  from  other  docu- 
ments. This  group  of  passages,  however^  has  no  practical 
bearing  upon  the  present  study,  and  may  be  dismissed  with- 
out further  elaboration. 

Subtracting  this  element  from  the  whole  section,  there 
remain,  (1)  the  group  in  which  Elijah  and  Elisha  take  the 
chief  places,  and  which  may  be  conveniently  designated, 
prophetic,  and  (2)  the  group  in  which  Ahab  and  Jehu  stand 
first,  and  which  may  for  convienence  be  called,  royal.  Ac- 
cording to  chapters  and  verses,  the  groups  stand  thus:  — 

Prophetic,  i  K.  17-19;  21;  ii  K.  l:l-17a;  2;  4-6:23; 
8:1-15.  Royal,  i  K.  20;  22:1-3  8;  ii  K.  3:4-27;  6:24-7:20; 
9-10:27;   (except  9:29). 

17 


The  textual  questions  relating  to  the  integrity  and  the 
literary  relationships  of  these  passages  are  interesting  and 
important,  but  do  not  have,  as  such,  any  special  bearing 
upon  the  present  study.  The  point  of  importance  here,  is 
that  of  historical  reliability.  Are  these  passages  trust- 
worthy? If  so,  to  what  degree?  To  what  extent  can  their 
trustworthiness  be  established?  While  it  is  inevitable  that, 
as  with  other  ancient  historical  documents,  these  questions 
can  never  be  answered  in  a  way  that  shall  be  absolutely 
final  and  positive,  yet,  strangely  enough,  there  exists  for 
the  particular  period  under  review,  an  original,  direct,  and 
unimpeachable  witness  in  their  favor,  in  the  so-called  Moa- 
bite  Stone.  This  stone  is  now  in  the  Louvre  in  Paris.  It 
v/as  found  in  Dibon  by  Rev.  F.  Klein,  in  1868,  and  al- 
though afterwards  broken,  so  as  to  seem  almost  beyond  the 
possibiltiy  of  restoration,  it  was  eventually  put  together 
again,  and  its  inscription  deciphered.  It  dates  from  the 
middle  of  the  ninth  century,  and  was  erected  by  Mesha, 
King  of  Moab,  who  reigned  as  a  contemporary  of  Omri 
and  Ahab.  The  inscription  recounts  the  hostile  relation 
existing  between  Moab  and  Israel,  and  in  its  confirmation  of 
the  parallel  accounts  in  the  Biblical  records,  supplies  a 
valuable  presumption  in  favor  of  the  general  trustworthi- 
ness of  these  records.  Another  direct  testimony  is  found  in 
the  fragment  of  a  bronze  bowl,  which  bears  an  inscription 
containing  the  words,  "Governor  of  Qarthadasht,  Servant 
of  Hiram,  King  of  the  Zidonians.  Then  he  gave  to  Baal 
Lebanon,  his  Lord,  as  the  choicest  of  the  bronze.  ..."  This 
fragment,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nation- 
ale  of  Paris,  is  recognized  as  being  at  least  as  ancient  as 
the  Moabite  Stone.     Many  consider  it  still  earlier.'-.     The 


"For  good  accounts  of  both  the  Baal  Lebanon  Inscrip.  and 
the  Moabite  Stone,  see  Ball:  Light  from  the  East 
pp    238    ff. 

18 


reference  is  doubtless  to  a  Lebanon  shrine  of  the  Tyrian 
Baal  whose  worship  Jezebel  endeavored  to  introduce  in 
Israel.  By  means  of  these  two  inscriptions,  the  historical 
basis  of  at  least  some  of  the  elements  in  the  Biblical  narra- 
tive, is  at  once  assured. 

The  writings  themselves  supply  sufficient  data  for 
reaching  a  very  fair  degree  of  certainty  in  an  estimate  of 
their  probable  date.  First  of  all,  in  spite  of  the  oriental 
coloring  throughout,  the  direct  and  vivid  treatment  of  the 
characters  and  incidents,  makes  it  impossible  to  remove 
the  origin  of  the  narratives  too  far  from  the  time  of  the 
events  referred  to.  The  recollection  of  the  chief  characters 
is  too  positive  and  realistic.  Even  more  convincing  is  the 
tone  of  these  narratives  as  compared  with  that  of  the  writ- 
ten prophets  whose  work  dates  from  750  B.  C.  onward.  In 
these  earlier  narratives  the  existence  of  numerous  JHVH 
shrines  is  accepted  without  question  or  rebuke.'-'  All  oppo- 
sition to  the  calf-worship  instituted  by  Jeroboam  1  is  lack- 
ing.'* On  the  other  hand,  it  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  the 
narratives  as  they  stand,  come  from  the  hands  of  eye  wit- 
nesses, although  the  impression  of  the  events  is  still  strong. 
For  these  reasons  the  narrative  may  be  referred  to  the 
half  century  following  the  circumtances  they  narrate,  say 
about  the  year  800  B.  C. 

It  is  further  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  narratives 
are  not  isolated  and  unique  fragments  of  the  literary  re- 
mains of  the  Hebrew  people.  It  appears  to  the  writer  that 
sufficient  importance  has  not  been  attached  to  the  fact  that 
these  stories  synchronize  closely  with  the  great  J  and  E. 
documents  of  the  Hexateuch.     These,   like  the   Elijah  and 


1  Ki.    17:30;    19:14. 

^Kuenen:    Onderzoek,    Germ,    trans,    pp    77f;    Wellh:    Prol. 
(4)  p  297;  Cornill:  Introd.  (5)  Eng.  trans,  p  214. 

19 


iiilisha  narratives,  indicate  a  prophetic  origin;'"  and  while 
it  might  be  possible  on  the  basis  of  these  few  chapters  from 
Kings  to  construct  an  unfavorable  picture  of  the  prophets 
as  a  class,  one  is  met  on  the  other  hand  by  the  great  pre- 
ponderance of  opinion  that  it  is  just  to  this  period,  i.  e., 
when  the  Elijah  and  Elisha  narratives  were  taking  shape, 
that  the  formation  of  the  literary  foundations  of  the  O.  T. 
must  be  assigned.*"  Their  assignment,  not  only  to  this 
period,  but  also  to  prophetic  origins,  throws  an  important 
light  upon  the  character  of  the  prophetic  classes  at  the 
time.  While  these  doubtess  included  many  who  were 
slightly,  if  at  all,  removed  from  illiterate  religious  ecstatic 
devotees,  they  must  have  included  as  well,  a  more  serious 
element,  deeply  concerned  in  the  course  of  the  national  life, 
w.hose  literary  activity  kept  pace  with  that  of  the  official 
recorders  and  royal  annalists.  It  is  an  interesting  coinci- 
dence that  the  E.  document,  which  is  assigned  to  the  North- 
ern Kingdom,"  should  be  characterized  by  the  prominence 
given  to  the  function  of  the  prophet,  and  also  to  the  use  of 
"Horeb"  instead  of  "Sinai"  for  the  name  of  the  "Mount 
of  God."*« 

It  may  be  concluded  then,  on  the  basis  of  the  reasons 
here  reviewed,  that  the  Elijah  and  Elisha  narratives  were 
reduced  to  approximately  their  present  form,  within  the 
second,  or  at  most  third,  generation  following  the  events 
themselves,  and  that  their  historical  character  is  both  indi- 
cated and  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  records  from 
without,  as  well  as  from  within,  the  nation. 

'Carpenter   and   Harford-Battersby:    The   Hexateuch,   vol    1 

pp   108-119. 
^''Driver:    Introd.    (6)    p   118. 
"Dillmann.  Kittel,  Riehm,  Wellhausen,  Kuenen.     cf  Driver: 

Introd.   p   122. 
"i  Ki.  19:8. 

20 


This  does  not  mean  that  the  historical  elementb  in 
the  narratives  can  be  thought  of  as  strands  of  a  rope,  to 
be  separated  by  a  process  of  untwisting.  They  are  rather 
roots  from  which  these  stories  have  sprung,  and  are  to  be 
recognized  in  the  persons,  places  and  principles,  which  be- 
came so  conspicuous  that  their  recollection  was  adorned 
with  various  details  of  the  striking  and  marvelous. 

The  most  conspicuous  recent  attempt  to  discover  the 
historical  elements  in  the  Elijah  narratives  is  that  of  Gun- 
kel.^*  No  one  has  seen  more  clearly,  nor  appreciated  more 
fully,  the  legendary  character,  and  the  legendary  constitu- 
ents, of  many  Biblical  passages.  In  his  treatment  of  Elijah, 
he  exhibits  both  the  strength  and  the  weakness  of  his 
method.  His  retelling  of  the  story  and  his  indication  of  its 
formal  factors,  are  both  carried  out  with  a  master  hand. 
But  when,  taking  up  the  points  in  detail,  he  attempts  to 
estimate  their  historical  value,  or  to  show  their  identity 
with  legends  current  elsewhere,  his  interest  in  these  latter 
phnomena  leads  him  into  contradictions.  For  instance,  he 
discards  entirely  the  scene  on  Carmel  as  an  event,  "Demnach 
haben  wir  die  Karmelgeschichte  zu  verstehen  nicht  als  eine 
wirkiiche  Begebenheit  aus  dem  Leben  des  Elias,  aber  als 
den  Traum  seines  gliihenden  Herzens  oder  als  den  seiner 
Anhanger.^*"  Yet  the  latter  scene  on  Horeb,  which  he  ac- 
cepts, is  left  quite  unoccasioned,  in  the  absence  of  any  other 
indication  of  Elijah's  zeal  for  JHVH.  It  is  nowhere  indicated 
that  the  decision  at  Carmel  immediately  swept  like  a  wave 
over  the  whole  nation,  nor  that  all  Baal's  altars  were  im- 
mediately demolished.  Gunkel  would  make  so  much  of  the 
Biblical  statement  of  the  event  at  Carmel,  that  an  irreconcil- 
ble  contradiction  shall  appear  between  the  two  accounts  of 


"Elias,  Jahve  und  Baal.  1906. 
=^op.  cit.  p  39. 


21 


Carmel  and  Horeb.     Such  a  deduction  is  neither  necessitat- 
ed nor  justified  by  the  Scriptural  material. 

Another  instance  of  inconsistency  is  seen  in  a  com- 
parison between  his  description  of  JHVH  on  p  24.  "Das 
Charakteristische  idieser  Theophanie  (on  Horeb) 
aber  ist,  dass  die  Gottheit  hier  nicht  in  den  entsetzllchen 
Naturerscheinungen  selber  wohnt,  sondern  in  dem  leisen 
Sauseln,  das  darauf  folgt;"  and  that  on  p  59:  "Der  Jahve 
des  Elias  ist  der  Gott  der  Wiistenzeit,  der  alten,  rauhen  Zelt, 
der  furchtbare  Gott,  der  sich  in  den  schreckllchsten  Natur- 
erscheinungen ofCenbart."  Further  allusions  to  Gunkel's 
work  will  be  made  in  the  section  here  following. 


22 


III. 

ELIJAH 

a.  Survey  of  the  Scripture  material:     i     K.     17-19,    21;    ii 
K.    1,  2. 

Chapter  17. — The  cp.  opens  with  the  announcement  of 
a  famine.  Famines  are  frequent  in  the  East  today,  and 
they  were  then.  In  common  with  other  phenomena  of 
nature  they  were  given  a  religious  interpretation,  and  usu- 
aiiy  looked  upon  as  a  divine  discipline.^^  As  such  they  were 
looked  upon  as  being  within  the  jurisdiction,  or  at  least  the 
prevision,  of  the  prophets."'  The  famine  referred  to  in  this 
chapter  may  have  been  the  one  mentioned  by  Josephus," 
who  quotes  Menander  of  Ephesus  as  his  authority.  The 
data  are  not  sufficient  to  decide  this.  The  important  his- 
torical basis  of  the  cp.  is  to  be  found  in  the  conception  of 
the  character  of  Elijah.  He  is  a  prophet  with  divine  power 
and  authority.  The  impression  he  makes  everywhere  is 
that  God  is  with  him,  and  he  is  the  servant  of  JHVH. 

His  stay  by  the  brook  indicates  his  out  door  life.  The 
"sons  of  the  prophets"  from  whose  circle  these  narratives 
arose,  knew  Elijah  as  one  who  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  city  life.  Throughout  the  whole  picture  of  Elijah, 
there  is  conspicuous  the  free  wild  atmosphere  seen  in  many 
of  the  ancient /'men  of  God.''^"*  The  brook  Cherith  must 
have  been  known  as  one  of  his  retreats.  Connecting  natur- 
ally with  this  recollection  of  one  of  his  places  of  shelter,  is 
^cf.  Am    4:6.  '  ■'       .'..^. 

*'cf.  Amos  and  John  the  Baptist. 

23 


the  idea,  that  he  is  miraculously  supplied  with  food.  This 
divine  provision  for  the  prophet's  sustenance  must  be  re- 
garded as  having  its  chief  value  in  its  indication 
that  Elijah  was  looked  upon  as  being  under  the 
special  care  v/hich  JHVH  bestows  upon  his  servants.  Such 
conceptions  belong  not  alone  to  the  remoter  periods  of  Bibli- 
cal story.  The  early  Christian  Church  believed  that  Christ 
could  change  stones  into  bread,  were  he  so  inclined.^  In 
the  case  of  Elijah,  the  incongruity  of  the  story  appears,  to 
a  Western  mind  in  the  circumstance  that  the  divine  provi- 
sion was  limited  by  the  water  supply,  and  was  unable  to 
sustain  Elijah  after  the  brook  dried  up.  Gunkel,^''  charac- 
teristically, finds  in  this  incident  a  literary  device  for  deep- 
ening the  impression  of  the  famine's  severity:  "Wie  muss 
es  jetzt — ^^so  sollen  wir  denken — im  iibrigen  Lande  aussehen, 
wenn  selbst  in  den  tiefen  Flusslaufen  kein  Wasser  mehr 
rinnt."  Yet,  referring  to  the  meeting  of  Elijah  and  Oba- 
diah,^^  Grunkel  makes  the  narrator  use  the  severity  of  the 
famine  to  account  for  the  separation  between  Ahab  and 
Obadiah.^*  Such  manipulation  of  motives  reflects  Gunkel's 
ingenuity  rather  than  the  art  of  the  prophetic  narrator.  The 
scene  by  the  brook  is  based  in  the  greatness  of  Elijah's 
personality,  and  simply  reflects  the  confidence  that  he  was 
constantly  under  divine  protection.  It  is  no  more  conceived 
with  the  intention  of  emphasizing  the  famine  than  it  is 
intended  to  extol  the  intelligent  ol)edience  of  the  ravens. 

The  journey  to  Sidon  and  the  sojourn  there  supply,  in 
harmony  with  the  preceding,  further  aspects  of  the  impres- 
sion made  by  Elijah  upon  his  generation.  The  journey  it- 
self reflects  one  of  Elijah's  characteristic  traits.      He   was 

^'IVIt.  4:3f.~~ 
=*op.  cit.  p  10. 
"I  Ki.  18:7. 
*op   cit.   p   14. 

24 


one  who  not  only  avoided  the  artificial  life  of  city  and  court, 
but  was  one  whose  journeys  where  as  frequent  as  they  were 
unexpected.  He  could  not  and  would  not  stay  long  in  one 
place.  The  abruptness  of  his  appearances  and  disappear- 
ances, as  expressed  in  the  narratives,  has  long  been  noticed, 
but  without  any  very  satisfactory  explanation.  They  are 
ascribed  either  to  textual  accidents,  or  to  legendary  por- 
trayal. Psychologically  they  are  quite  intelligible.  Numer- 
ous indications  show  Elijah  to  have  been  one  of  those  In- 
tense, nervous  and  erratic  characters,  that  must  be  con- 
stantly active,  that  are  never  content  to  remain  anywhere. 
The  tradition  has  finely  caught  and  faithfully  preserved  this 
temper  of  the  man,  and  the  abrupt  way  in  which  he  appears 
and  disappears  simply  reproduces  the  contemporary  impres- 
sion. 

The  two  wonders  of  prolonging  the  supply  of  meal 
and  oil,  and  the  restoration  to  life  of  the  widow's  son, 
must  be  referred  to  the  popular  estimate  of  Elijah  as  one 
endowed  with  miraculous  powers.  On  the  one  hand,  they 
cannot  be  considered  characteristic  of  Elijah  in  any  special 
sense,  for  they  are  closely  paralleled,  not  only  in  the  case 
of  Elisha,  but  in  such  later  incidents  as  the  feeding  of  the 
five  thousand,'"**  the  restoring  of  the  widow  of  Nain's  son,"" 
the  recalling  to  life  of  Dorcas  by  Peter,"'^  and  other  similar 
incidents.  On  the  other  hand,  they  are  undoubted  evidences 
that  Elijah  was  known  as  a  mighty  prophet  in  his  own  day, 
and  as  one  who  performed  the  various  wonders  expected  and 
believed  of  prophets,  among  a  people  who  found  no  logical 
nor  scientific  difficulties  in  the  way  of  such  beliefs. 

^Lu.  9:10-17. 
^Lu.  7:11-17. 
^^Ac.  9:36  fC. 


25 


Chapter  18. — Elijah's  connection  with  the  famine  is 
here  continued  and  completed;  his  agency  in  the  matter 
being  maintained  to  the  last.  For  although  in  v.  1.  JHVH 
says  he  will  send  rain,  vv  42  ff  indicate  that  in  spite  of  this, 
the  rain  would  not  have  come  had  not  Elijah  prayed  for 
it,*-  Historically  considered  this  coming  of  the  rain  in  re- 
sponse to  Elijah's  prayer  must  be  valued  and  understood 
in  the  way  indicated  in  the  survey  of  cp.  17. 

Enclosed  within  the  references  to  the  rain,  with  which 
the  cp.  begins  and  ends,  is  the  famous  scene  on  Carmel. 
Can  it  be  considered  in  any  sense  historical?  This  question 
has  received  the  most  diverse  answers;  from  the  acceptance 
of  every  detail  of  the  narrative  as  an  actual  fact,  to  Gun- 
kel's  dismissal  of  the  whole  as  "ein  gliihender  Traum."  The 
truth  here,  as  in  so  many  cases  lies  between  these  extremes. 
Ahab  and  Elijah  are  both  historical  figures.  That  they  came 
into  religious  conflict  is  also  beyond  question.  It  is  his- 
torically certain  that  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  aspects  of 
the  religious  life  of  Israel  is  the  continuing  defection  of  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  people  from  the  worship  of 
JHVH  to  that  of  Baal.  Although  Ahab's  attitude  toward  the 
JHVH  worship  may  not  have  been  that  of  enmity,  his  un- 
doubted support  of  Baal  worship  is  that  by  which  he  was 
most  vividly  remembered  in  after  years,^  and  this  attitude 
toward  Baal  harmonized  well  with  the  disfavor  in  which 
he  held  Micaiah,**  a  true  prophet  of  JHVH.     There  is  no  in- 


'^This  notion  finds  an  interesting  expansion  in  the  reference 
to  Elijah  in  Jas.  5:17f,  where  it  is  said  not  only  that 
Elijah  prayed  for  rain  at  the  end  of  the  famine,  but 
also  that  the  famine  came  in  response  to  a  similar 
prayer  of  power  at  the  outset. 

'^i  Ki.  16:30-33;  21:25f. 

^"i  Ki.  22:7-9. 

26 


dication  that  up  to  this  time  the  issue  had  been  raised  be- 
tween JHVH  and  Baal.  The  conflict,  so  abundantly  wit- 
nessed in  later  records,  must  have  had  a  beginning.  This  is 
the  only  period  between  the  time  of  Jeroboam. i  and  the 
time  of  the  prophet  Hosea,  where  there  are  any  indications 
of  the  emergence  of  such  an  issue.  The  simple  fact  that  the 
issue  was  defined  during  Ahab's  reign,  would,  in  view  of 
his  support  of  the  Baal  worship,  be  quite  sufficient  reason  to 
connect  him  positively  with  an  anti-JHVH  party.  The  loca- 
tion of  the  incident  on  Carmel  also  adds  probability  to  its 
historicity.  That  the  topography  of  the  place  justifies  the 
statem.ents  of  the  narrative  has  long  been  recognized.  The 
mention  of  the  altar  itself  is  of  equal  importance.  These 
shrines  and  sacred  sites  are  almost  invariably  connected 
with  some  great  name  or  incident.  This  shrine  on  Carmel 
was  rehabilitated  and  rededicated  by  Elijah.  The  time 
elapsing  between  the  incident  itself  and  the  written  form 
of  the  tradition  is  too  short  to  permit  its  invention  as  pure 
fiction.  Something  must  have  occurred  to  connect  a  well- 
known  shrine  with  an  equally  well-known  character.  Objec- 
tion has  been  made  to  the  possibility  of  Elijah,  or  any  other 
man,  singlehanded,  putting  to  death  450  men  in  an  hour 
or  two.  Gunkel  calls  this  "ein  wenig  zu  heldenhaft."^^ 
This  is  inadequate  as  a  basis  for  denying  the  whole  inci- 
dent. The  putting  to  death  of  profaners  of  a  shrine  is  a 
matter  of  common  knowledge,  and  of  common  consent  in 
the  East,  even  to  the  present  time.  Such  a  performance,  it 
is  true,  could  hardly  be  accredited  to  an  individual;  but  it 
agrees  exactly  with  the  other  characteristics  of  Elijah,  to 
find  him  one  who  could  well  excite,  and  then  lead,  just  such 
an  onslaught  as  this.  The  falling  of  fire  from  heaven  (viz: 
lightning)  at  the  psychological  moment,  is  of  course,  neither 
impossible  nor  incredible,  but  the  narrative  understands  it  to 


•^op.  cit.  p  36. 

27 


be  a  direct  response  to  Elijah's  prayer,  and,  as  such,  !t 
must  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  wonders  already  referred 
to.  To  uncritical  minds,  quite  ignorant  of  the  discoveriea 
of  modern  science,  these  things  are  quite  within  the  abili- 
ties of  "men  of  God."  Even  in  N.  T.  times,  the  idea  ap- 
pears, when  we  are  told  that  James  and  John  said,  "Lord, 
wilt  thou  that  we  bid  fire  to  come  down  from  heaven  and 
consume  them?'"^  V.  41,  with  its  obscure  direction  to 
Ahab"go  up,  eat  and  drink,"  appears  to  reflect  the  fact  that 
Ahab  had  planned  a  feast  to  be  held  on  Carmel  in  company 
with  the  Baal  prophets.  Elijah  siezes  this  opportunity  to 
bring  matters  to  a  focus,  and  the  incident  follows  which 
supplies  the  facts  out  of  which  the  present  narrative  arose. 
In  view  of  what  has  been  said,  it  is  to  be  maintained 
that  this  cp.  reflects  an  actual  event,  viz.,  a  collision  be- 
tween adherents  of  Baal  and  adherents  of  JHVH  headed  by 
Elijah.  It  occurred  on  Mt.  Carmel,  at  a  JHVH  shrine.  It 
resulted  in  a  rout  of  the  Baalites.  It  was  connected  in  time 
with  a  storm  that  closed  the  period  of  famine.  It  was  an 
event  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  raise  a  definite  issue  be- 
tween the  worship  of  JHVH  or  of  Baal ;  and  also  positively  to 
determine  the  direction  to  be  taken  by  succeeding  prophets 
of  JHVH.  All  this  does  not  make  it  necessary  to  suppose 
that  a  great  tide  of  religious  conflict  swept  over  the  land. 
Such  an  event  as  this  might  occur  without  involving  a  move- 
ment of  national  dimensions.  The  case  does  not  demand  a 
choice  between  the  Syrian  wars,  or  "a  popular  religious 
commotion  which  divided  the  people."  (Wellh,  quoted 
above.)  Neither  is  the  account  too  far  from  fact  when  It 
places  the  prophet,  rather  than  the  king,  in  the  center  of  the 
picture."  Even  in  this  very  chapter  Elijah's  attitude  toward 

*'Lu   9:54    (some  ancient  authorities  add,   "even  as  Elijah 

did") 
*'cf  Wellh,  Prol.  p  290. 

28 


the  king  shows  full  recognition  of  Ahab's  royal  position. 
These  naratives  originated  not  only  among  prophets  loyal 
to  a  great  prophet  but  they  were  told  by  Orientals  for  Ori- 
entals, and  they  are  to  be  understood  in  the  light  of  all  the 
modifications  necessitated  by  the  application  of  Western 
standards  of  accuracy.  Here  again,  the  case  calls  for  an  in- 
terpretation which  recognizes  the  psychological  factors. 

Chapter  19  when  correctly  understood,  confirms  the 
view  above  indicated  for  cp.  18.  Gunkel,  disposing  as  he 
does  of  cp.  18,  naturally  must  assign  to  a  later  hand 
the  two  verses  introducing  cp.  19.^  But  Jezebel's  retaliation 
is  the  most  natural  consequence  of  the  event  which  under- 
lies cp.  18.  Chapter  19,  like  the  two  preceding  chapters.  Is 
an  oriental,  prophetic,  portrayal  of  an  oriental  prophet. 
Underlying  it,  as  its  historical  foundation,  is  the  explanation 
current  among  the  "sons  of  the  prophets,"  for  the  fact  that 
Elijah's  work  on  Mt.  Carmel  led  to  no  abiding  results  among 
the  people.  It  follows  immediatelly  and  properly,  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  and  its  psychological  accuracy  confirms  its 
historical  value.  After  the  intense  excitement  of  Carmel, 
which,  at  the  time,  carried  everything  before  it,  comes  the 
reaction  of  exhaustion  and  despondency.  Jezebel's  anger 
is  aroused  and  Elijah  is  unable  now  to  withstand  it..  For 
the  moment  his  courage  is  gone.  He  flees  southward  to 
Beersheba  "which  belongeth  to  Judah."^  As  he  took  refuge 
by  the  brook  Cherith  in  the  time  of  the  famine,  so  he  takes 
refuge  in   the  wilderness   in  the   time   of  personal   danger. 


»*op.  cit.  pp  20  f. 

*"This  phrase  plainly  indicates  the  northern  origin  of  the 
narrative;  and  also  has  a  bearing  on  the  date.  A  Ju- 
dean,  familiar  with  his  own  territory,  would  have  felt 
no  need  for  such  an  addition.  A  writer  living  later  than 
the  fall  of  the  Northern  kingdom  (722  B.  C.)  would 
need  to  express  himself  differently. 

29 


Here  too  in  Judean  territory,  he  is  beyond  Jezebel's  juris- 
diction. It  is  always  in  this  free,  wild  life  that  he  feels  at 
home  and  safe.  Leaving  his  servant  here  at  Beersheba,  he 
goes  a  day's  journey  into  the  wilderness.  This  rather  su- 
perfluous detail  of  leaving  his  servant  at  Beersheba  served 
not  only  to  emphasize  Elijah's  desire  for  solitude,  but  also 
to  indicate  that  the  experiences  following  were  unwitnessed 
and  unshared  by  any  but  Elijah  himself.  Indeed,  the  scenes 
which  follow  can  hardly  be  thought  of  as  reflecting  any 
objective  reality.  They  belong  to  the  same  class  as  Isaiah's 
vision,""  the  temptation  of  Jesus,"  Paul's  vision  of  the  third 
heaven"  and  o'ther  similar  experiences.  These  must  be  con- 
sidered actual  experiences,  but  subjective  ones.  Psychologi- 
cally they  are  intelligible  and  credible;  and  when  their  Ori- 
ental origin  is  considered,  their  realistic  style  neither  mis- 
leads nor  offends.  In  the  present  instance,  Elijah  himseif  may 
well  have  told  of  just  some  such  vision,  supplying  quite  a  suf- 
ficient foundation  for  the  narrative  as  it  now  appears.  "The 
sons  of  the  prophets,"  the  original  transcribers  of  the  ac- 
count, have  used  it  to  supply  a  motive  of  Elijah's  flight 
which  might  offset  the  one  of  simple  fear,  and  give  an  as- 
pect to  his  journey  southwards  more  in  keeping  with  their 
conception  of  their  great  leader.  To  them,  he  was  too  great 
for  comparison  with  any  but  Moses;  and  the  similarity  be- 
tween this  scene  on  Iloreb,  and  that  ascribed  to  Moses  in  the 
same  place,  is  obvious.  This  similarity  is  the  more  natural 
in  view  of  the  wide  spread  contemporary  interest  in  the  past 
history  of  the  nation.  The  evidence  and  fruit  of  this  interest 
are  to  be  found  in  the  great  prophetic  historical  documents 
known  as  J.  and  E.  This  has  been  referred  to  above;  but 
as  far  as  the  writer  has  been  able  to  discover,  the  important 

*"Isa.  6. 
"Mt.  4:1-11. 
"iiCor  12:1-4. 

.  30 


Illumination  which  it  throws  upon  some  of  the  facts  of  the 
Elijah  narratives,  has  not  been  observed,  or  at  least,  not  util- 
ized.- In  the  prophetic  circles,  from  which  all  these  docu- 
ment emanate,  it  was  inevitable  that  such  comparisons 
should  be  made.  Some  of  the  details  may  here  be  noted. 
The  Mosaic  event  occurred  on  Horeb;  Elijah's  vision  is  re- 
ferred to  the  same  locality.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  tradition- 
al mountain  is  about  forty  miles  from  Beersheba,  rather 
than  forty  days'  journey  as  indicated  in  the  present  ac- 
count. KitteP'  finds  here  an  indication  of  the  ignorance  of 
a  north  Israelite  regarding  the  geography  of  the  southern 
territory.  Gunkel,'*  while  acknowledging  the  possibility  of 
an  exaggeration  in  the  number,  finds  here  an  indication  that 
Sinai  (Horeb)  lay  far  south  of  the  present  traditional  site. 
Neither  of  these  conjectures,  which  fairly  represent  current 
opinion,  meet  the  case.  The  reference  to  the  forty  days  be- 
longs to  that  part  of  the  account  which  is  based  upon  the 
tradition  concerning  Moses,  and  is  not  to  be  considered  a 
literal  designation  of  distance.  It  belongs  with  the  feature 
of  being  forty  days  without  food.''  As  to  the  vision  itself,  it 
is  not  to  be  denied  that  its  form  may  have  been  occasioned 
for  Elijah  himself,  by  his  own  consciousness  of  the  Mosaic 
narrative,  but  its  psychological  appropriateness  is  equally 
indisputable.  The  wind,  the  earthquake,  the  fire,  are  all 
prepared  for  in  the  recollection  of  the  recent  occurrence  on 
Carmel;  and  the  sense  of  defeat  supplies  an  ideal  motive  for 
the  feeling  that  these  violent  manifestations  did  not  rep- 
resent God  himself,  that  God  was  not  in  them,  that  at  best 
they  were  only  his  servants  (cf  Psa.  104*;  148').  The  climax 
of  the  vision  comes  in  Elijah's  consciousness  that  he  is  in 


*p  152. 

'op.  cit.  p  23. 

'cf.  Ex.  34:28,  and  Mat.  4:2. 


31 


the  presence  of  JHVH;  that  in  spite  of  the  miscarriage  of  his 
efforts,  JHVH  is  still  the  God  before  whom  he  stands."** 
The  divine  directions  which  are  represented  as  being  given 
to  Elijah  at  this  time,  for  his  future  guidance,  must  be 
considered  as  a  literary  expansion  supplied  by  a  later  reflec- 
tion upon  subsequent  events.  What  actually  occurred  after- 
ward is  looked  upon  as  having  been  verbally  commanded  by 
JHVH  himself,  in  personal  communication  with  his  prophet. 
The  historical  bearings  of  these  commands  will  be  referred 
to  below. 

Chapter  21  narrates  Elijah's  rebuke  of  Ahab,  for  the 
murder  of  Naboth.  Whether  this  account  comes  from  the 
same"  hand,  or  different  hands,*^  as  the  preceding  chapters 
does  not  weaken  its  historicity,  which  there  is  no  good  rea- 
son for  doubting.  As  Samuel  rebuked  Saul,  as  Nathan  re- 
buked David,  as  Amos  rebuked  Jereboam  ii,  as  Isaiah  re- 
buked Ahaz,  as  John  the  Baptist  rebuked  Herod,  so  Elijah 
rebukes  Ahab.  This  kind  of  thing  is  so  characteristic  of  the 
prophets,  and  so  abundantly  confirmed  in  one  case  after 
another  that  the  present  instance  may  be  accepted  as  a  re- 
liable contribution  to  the  historical  portrait  of  Elijah.     The 

'"This  is  not  the  place  for  the  discussion  of  religious  psy- 
chology, but  reference  may  be  made  in  connection  with 
this  vision  of  Elijah's  to  two  passages  in  Prof.James'Va- 
rieties  of  Religious  Experience.  The  quotation  from  Lu- 
ther (p  13  7)  is  an  interesting  modern  parallel  to 
Elijah's  discouragement;  and  the  passage  on  p  66,  from 
an  unnamed  correspondent,  is  equally  interesting  as  a 
parrallel  to  the  theophany.  Turning  to  the  O.  T.  narra- 
tives from  this  modern  work,  it  needs  but  little  allow- 
ance for  oriental  rhetoric  to  establish  the  actuality  of 
such  experiences.  Many  an  element  which  Gunkel  dis- 
misses as  a  "Marchenmotiv,"  would  if  more  carefully 
considered,  be  found  to  rest  upon  an  adequate  psy- 
chological basis 

"Wellh,  Driver,  Kittel. 

"Kunen. 

32 


occasion  would  be  doubly  repugnant  to  a  prophet  of  JHVH, 
not  only  because  of  the  murder  itself,  but  also  because  of 
its  Tiolation  of  the  right  of  inheritance. 

The  remaining  references  to  Elijah  (iiK.  1  and  2)  are 
so  freely  expanded  by  the  narrrator  that  they  yield  but  lit- 
tle of  historical  value.  In  the  first  cp.  the  description  of 
Elijah's  appearance  (v.  8,)  may  be  accepted  without  ques- 
tion, both  on  account  of  its  fntrinsic  probability,  and  also 
because  it  agrees  so  perfectly  with  the  other  aspects  of  his 
character.  The  account  of  the  ascent  in  a  chariot  of  fire 
(cp.  2,)  yields  but  one  fact,  viz;  that  his  burial  place  is  un- 
known. The  "horses  and  chariots  of  fire"  connect  them- 
selves rather  with  Elisha  than  Elijah,  and  will  be  referred 
to  below. 

On  the  basis  of  these  historical  materials,  it  becomes  pos- 
sible to  form  a  fair  estimate  of  Elijah's  personality,  aims 
and  achievements, 
b.     Personality: 

Elijah  comes  from  the  district  of  Gilead,  east  of 
the  Jordon,  and  is  called  the  "Tishbite"  from  the 
name  of  his  native  town.^*  He  is  an  Israelite,  a  servant  of 
JHVH  ("JHVH*  *  *  before  whom  I  stand"  i  K.  17,^)  and 
identified  in  his  own  thought  with  the  faithful  servants  of 
JHVH  who  had  lived  before  him  (iK  19")  His  appearance  is 
described  with  classical  directness  in  ii  K  V  "a.  man  wearing 
a  hairy  mantel  and  a  girdle  of  leather."  This  is  his  char- 
acteristic garb,  and  its  primitive  character  agrees  with  the 
elemental  force  of  Elijah's  moods  and  methods.  His  place 
is  not  in  king's  palaces,  as  a  wearer  of  soft  raiment;  he  be- 


•^li ,  as  the  word  stands  in  the  present  text  means, 
"of  the  dwellers  in."  The  LXX  reads  here.  €k  Oiapcjv 
as  if  the  word  stood  for  the  name  of  Elijah's  home. 
This        implies         the         reading,       'i«5i8,      n^Q  is 

then  the  name  of  a  town  in  Gilead.     This  reading  is  to 
be  preferred. 

33 


longs  out  of  doors.  His  resort  is  to  the  brook  Cherith;  he 
retreats  to  the  wilderness,  and  returns  by  way  of  the  wil- 
derness. He  has  great  physical  vigor.  In  iK  18"  it  is  said 
that,  "the  hand  of  JHVH  was  on  Elijah;  and  he  girded  up 
his  loins  and  ran  before  Ahab  to  the  entrance  of  Jezreel'"** 
The  text  sees  in  this  performance  an  instance  of  divine  In- 
vigoration,  but  back  of  the  text  lies  the  tradition  that  Elijah 
was  a  man  physically  strong,  enduring  and  vigorous.  His 
physical  freedom  of  life  permitted  a  fitfulness  of  movement 
which  must  have  seemed  most  erratic.  His  appearances  are 
as  abrupt,  as  his  absences  are  baffling."  They  are  ascribed, 
however,  to  the  direct  action  of  the  spirit  of  JHVH.  Obadiah 
(i  K.  18:7-15)  is  sent  by  Elijah  to  announce  his  appearance 
to  Ahab.  Obadiah  fears  to  go  because  by  the  time  he  re- 
turns, Elijah  may  have  determined  to  go  somewhere  else; 
or,  as  he  states  it,  "the  Spirit  of  JHVH  will  carry  thee  whith- 
er I  know  not."  In  other  words  while  Elijah  is  intense  and 
irrestible  in  action,  he  is  also  fitful  and  moody;  and  when 
not  engaged  in  some  absorbing  project,  he  cannot  always 
be  depended  upon.  This  too  is  psychologically  faithful  to 
the  temper  of  such  a  character  as  Elijah.  He  responds 
quickly  to  a  fresh  impulse.  On  the  other  hand,  when  he 
gives  his  word,  (v.  15)  it  may  be  accepted  without  question. 
His  movements  are  so  uncertain  and  so  extended  that  he 
may  be  expected  to  appear  anywhere  within  a  circuit  includ- 
ing Sidon,  Beersheba,  Horeb,  and  Damascus.^-  The  motives 
which  according  to  the  narratives,  impel  him  to  visit  these 
places,  betray  the  desire  to  account  for  his  frequent  and  er- 
ratic journeys.  The  fact  is,  that  his  was  a  nature  which  need- 


'a  distance  of  12  or  15  miles.  (Thompson:  Land  and  Book, 

vol.   2  p.   232.) 
'i  Ki.  18:7-10;  21:17f;  ii  Ki.  1:3,  7  f. 
'i  Ki.  17:   8;    19:3,  8,  15. 

34 


ed  constant  movement  and  change;  and  this  characteristic, 
the  tradition  has  faithfully  preserved.  The  manner  in  which 
these  narratives  have  been  incorporated  in  the  present 
book  of  Kings,  reflects  well  the  precipitancy  of  the  prophet. 
But  the  accounts  themselves  contain  plain  evidence  that 
this  impression  is  due  not  only  to  the  literary  treatment, 
but  equally  to  the  original  facts.  His  most  conspicuous  and 
best  remembered  trait  is  his  intense  energy,  his  zeal.  The 
scene  on  Carmel  reflects  a  man  whose  consuming  intensity 
carried  everything  before  him.  When  praying  for  rain  "he 
bowed  himself  down  upon  the  earth,  and  put  his  face  be- 
tween his  knees,"^  in  the  utter  abandon  of  his  appeal.  This 
trait  is  also  correctly  reflected  in  his  own  words  on  Mt.  Hor- 
eb,  "I  have  been  very  jealous  for  JHVH.'"*  He  surrenders 
himself  utterly  and  without  reservation  to  the  matter  in 
hand;  and  carries  it  through  with  a  furious  urgency  that 
nothing  can  withstand.  Enforced  by  his  physical  vigor,  his 
zeal  is  an  irresistible  torrent.  Looking  back  upon  his 
career  after  the  lapse  of  many  centuries,  the  modern  Bible 
student  has  found  Elijah's  chief  significance  in  his  cham-  ^ 
pionship  of  JHVH  as  sole  God  in  Israel.  But  the  impression 
made  upon  his  contemporaries  was  due,  neither  to  this  pro- 
paganda as  such,  nor  to  any  success  which  accompanied  its 
propagation.  It  was  due  primarily  to  a  personality  so  com- 
pelling that,  in  its  presence,  opposition  was  futile.  It  is  a 
trait  found  in  great  leaders;  an  inate  energy  which  com- 
mands, as  naturally  as  lesser  spirits  obey.  In  the  case  of 
Elijah  this  element  overpowered  not  only  those  about  him, 
but  the  man  himself.  It  was  so  isolated  by  the  absence  of 
ability  to  organize  and  to  establish,  so  wild  in  its  fury  yet 
Bo  weak  in  its  ability  to  utilize  results,  that  whatever  suc- 

"i  Ki.   18:    42. 
"i  Ki.  19:   14. 

35 


cess  followed  the  movement  against  Baal,  which  Elijah  so 
dramatically  inaugurated,  must  be  credited  rather  to  his 
calmer  and  better  poised  disciple,  Elisha.  It  is  this  trait 
in  Elijah  which  shows  its  reverse  side  in  the  utter  exhaus- 
tion, physical  and  spiritual,  which  follows  the  scene  on 
Carmel.  That  a  prophet  so  highly  esteemed  by  his  contem- 
poraries, should  be  pictured  by  them  in  such  a  state  of  col- 
lapse and  depression,"'^  indicates,  in  the  naive  way  in  which 
the  prophet  is  set  in  this  unfavorable  light,  a  psychological 
accuracy  which  confirms  the  historicity  of  the  narative. 
These  exaltations  and  despondencies  are  characteristic  of 
this  temperment;  and  the  account  is  so  close  to  observable 
facts,  that  its  trustworthiness  is  strongly  sustained. 

«i  Ki.  19:   1-14 


36 


c.     Aim  and  Method: 

In  spite  of  the  modern  association  of  Elijah  with  the 
special  championship  of  JHVH  and  an  aggressive  op-* 
position  to  Baal  worship;  and  in  spite  of  the  propriety  of 
finding  in  this  phase  of  Elijah's  activity  its  most  significant 
aspect;  it  is  still  incorrect  to  s-ay  that  ^Elijah  had  any  sin- 
gle,definite  aim  which  directed  his  public  career. At  least  such 
an  aim  can  only  be  stated  in  the  broadest  possible  terms. 
He  was  a  prophet  of  JHVH  and  a  zealous  one.  As 
such  he  was  prompt  to  act  in  JHVH's  behalf,  as  he 
understood  it,  whenever  occasion  arose.  There  is  no  indi- 
cation that  he  premeditated,  or  definitely  planned,  a  cam- 
paign against  Baal  worship  in  any  such  thorough  going 
fashion  as  to  justify  the  idea  of  its  being  his  life  work. 
His  designation  of  himself  as  a  prophet,^"  and  as  one  who 
"stands  before  JHVH.""  indicates  his  thought  of  him- 
self as  a  servaqjt  and  messenger  of  JHVH 
without  the  suggestion,  nor  the  necessity,  of 
identifying  himself  with  any  special  direc- 
tion this  service  might  take.  "The  word  of  JHVH' 
comes  to  him,"'^  and  he  obeys  it  implicitly  and  directly  his 
own  thought  of  his  work  is  not  that  he  is  following  a  plan 
carefully  prepared,  nor  that  he  is  directed  toward  some 
special  end,  but  simply  that  he  is  following  out  .fHVH's 
commands.^**     With    reference   to    any   lini    l^iliali    may    be 


^''i  Ki.   18:    22;    19:    10. 

='i  Ki.   17:    1,  15. 

■^i  Ki.  17:  2,  8,  16,  24;   18:  1;  19:   9;  21:   17  et  al. 

^'i  Ki.   18:    36. 

37 


said  to  have  had,  it  is  not  possible  to  say  more  than  that 
he  had  the  general  one  of  doing  whatever  "the  word  of  J. 
JHVH"  directed.  The  narratives  give  no  indication  that 
the  scene  on  Carmel  was  the  result  of  planning  or  fore- 
thought, nor  the  culmination  of  a  settled  policy.  The  same 
is  true  of  his  rebuke  of  Ahab  in  the  matter  of  Naboth. 
This  latter  could  not  have  been  anticipated  for  obvious 
reasons.  As  a  prophet  of  JHVH  the  God  of  the  nation, 
Elijah  is  intensely  concerned  with  the  people's  faithfulness 
to  their  God.  But  Elijah  is  not  a  "champion  of  JHVH" 
in  the  sense  of  finding  his  sole  mission  in  a  propaganda  for 
the  exclusive  worship  of  JHVH.  Important  as  this 
latter  movement  was,  it  cannot  be  asserted  on  the  basis  of 
the  narratives  now  extant,  that  Elijah  himself  intention- 
ally planned  it,  nor  systematically  carried  It  out.  This 
latter  work  remained  for  his  successor. 

Much  stress  has  been  laid  upon  Elijah's  significance 
as  a  preacher  of  righteousness  and  justice,  especially  as 
portrayed  in  his  rebuke  of  Ahab  for  the  murder  of  Na- 
both.*^ But  the  denunciation  of  royal  misdeeds,  and  the 
demand  for  justice,  can  by  no  means  be  looked  upon  as 
peculiar  to,  nor  especially  characteristic  of  Elijah.  It  is 
to  the  honor  of  the  prophetic  class  that,  at  least  from  the 
days  of  Samuel,  there  did  not  lack  prophets  who  rebuked 
kings  a*s  fearlessly  as  Elijah  rebuked  Ahab,  and  who  were 
actuated  by  principles  equally  ethical.  Elijah's  character- 
istic significance  is  not  to  be  found  in  this  connection. 

d.     Results: 

The  primary  result  of  Elijah's  career  was  the  indel- 
ible impression  upon  his  contemporaries  of  a  commanding 
and    magnetic    personality.      This    impression    pervades    all 


"e.  g.  Gunkel,  op.  cit.  page  48. 

38 


surviving  references  to  this  great  prophet.  His  zeal  for 
JHVH  would  have  counted  for  little  had  it  not  been 
as  well  the  zeal  of  a  compelling  personality,  actuated  by 
an  exalted  religious  devotion.  To  his  contemporaries,  the 
interests  which  engaged  his  activity  fell  below  the  level  of 
the  interest  excited  by  the  man  himself.  This  latter  was 
enough  to  signalize  any  movement  with  which  he  might 
connect  himself.  The  result  was  that  the  opposition  to  Baal 
worship  which  he  initiated  thus  received  an  impetus  which 
raised  it  into  immediate  prominence,  a  prominence  out  of 
all  proportion  to  the  strength  or  extent  of  popular  con- 
viction on  the  subject.  During  the  life  time  of  Elijah  the 
popular  response  was  feeble,  and  the  extent  of  the  move- 
ment but  limited.  He  never  brought  it  into  any  effective 
correlation  with  the  national  life.  And  had  it  not  been 
immediately  taken  up  by  his  more  capable,  though  less 
sensational  successor,  Elisha,  its  development  must  have 
been  indefinitely  delayed. 

The  second,  and  accompanying  result  of  Elijah's  activ- 
ity, was  the  introduction  into  prophecy  of  a  practically  new 
element.  Faithfulness  to  JHVH  had,  of  course,  long 
existed  in  the  itation.  But  it  had  become  so  seriously 
threatened,  since  the  great  revolt  from  Judah,  that  the 
time  was  ripe  to  raise  the  issue  between  the  worship  of 
JHVH  and  that  of  the  Baalim.  The  energy  with 
which  Jezebel  tried  to  establish  the  worship  of  the  Tyrian 
Baal,  furnished  just  such  an  occasion  as  Elijah  was  con- 
spicuously qualified  to  meet.  The  resulting  outbreak 
brought  into  such  priominence  the  question  of  JHVH 
against  the  Baalim,  that  it  was  accepted  by  the  later  pro- 
phets not  only  as  a  legitimate,  but  as  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant, elements  of  their  preaching.  After  this  time  the 
prophetic  writings  all  reflect  the  issue  thus  raised  by  Elijah, 

39 


and  to  him  must  be  ascribed  the  statement  of  the  question 
in  this  form.  It  is  true  that  with  Elijah  only  the  beginning 
of  this  movement  appears;  and  that,  by  the  later  pro- 
phets the  idea  was  enriched  with  more  exalted  spiritual 
and  ethical  content.  But  the  proportions  to  which  it  de- 
veloped in  later  history  only  emphasize  the  significance  of 
Elijah's  work  in  originating  it. 

The  distinction  however  must  be  maintained  between 
the  advance  step  which  Elijah  made  for  the  prophetic  point 
of  view,  and  the  development  of  a  movement  which  could 
be  called  national  or  even  popular  in  its  scope.  This  latter, 
Elijah  did   not  accomplish. 

e.     Later  tradition: 

The  subsequent  allusions  to  Elijah  in  the  Scriptures 
confirm  the  view  above  indicated.  He  is  looked  upon  as 
the  classical  instance  of  zeal  for  JHVH,  while  the 
character  of  the  work  ascribed  to  him  has  little  if  any 
relation  to  his  activity  as  this  is  presented  in  the  books  of 
Kings.  In  Mal.3:23,  he  is  to  appear  as  a  forerunner  of  the  day 
of  JHVH;  but  his  work  here  is  a  matter  of  a  social  reform, 
a  work  by  no  means  characteristic  of  the  historical  Elijah, 
and  one  in  which  such  prophets  as  Hosea,  Amos,  Isaiah 
and  others,  were  far  more  conspicuous.  It  is  rather  his 
famous  personal  zeal  for  JHVH  which  designates  him 
as  the  one  who  alone  could  successfully  stir  the  people  to 
repentance.  In  the  New  Testament  writings  where  John 
the  Baptist  is  compared  with  Elijah,  the  similarity  is  to  be 
found  rather  in  the  statement  in  Mai.,  where  Elijah  pre- 
pares for  the  "day  of  JHVH,"  than  with  the  narra- 
tives in  Kings.  The  same  reference  and  the  same  signifi- 
cance are  to  be  found  in  the  accounts  of  his  appearance 
with  Moses  at  the  scene  on  the  Mount  of  Transfiguration. 

40 


What  Elijah  bequeathed  to  posterity  was  primarily,  indeed 
solely,  the  impression  of  a  great  personality,  intense,  mas- 
terful and  heroic.  Only  secondarily,  and  with  respect  to 
but  a  single  thesis,  did  he  make  a  direct  and  original  con- 
tribution to  the  religious  history  of  the  nation. 


41 


IV. 
EMSHA. 

a.     Survey  of  the  Scripture  material. 

Far  more  than  in  the  case  of  the  Elijah  narratives, 
the  passages  which  deal  with  Elisha  are  confused,  frag- 
mentary, and  overloaded  with  details  merely  marvelous. 
But  here,  as  there,  a  firm  basis  of  historical  fact  may  be 
found,  upon  which  it  is  possible  to  reconstruct  the  general 
course  of  events  with  sufficient  fulness  to  justify  an  esti- 
mate, both  of  the  events  themselves,  and  also  of  Elisha's 
relation  to,  and  influence  upon,  them. 

The  first  reference  to  Elisha  is  in  iK.  19:  15-21,  where 
it  is  told  that  in  obedience  to  JHVH's  command,  Elijah 
anoints  Elisha  to  be  his  successor.  Two  important  facts 
are  here  indicated,  which  are  confirmed  by  the  subse- 
quent narratives,  and  which  may  be  accepted  with  con- 
fidence, viz:  1.  Elisha  is  the  associate  and  successor  of 
Elijah.  However  they  may  differ  in  externals,  they  are 
united  in  their  prophetic  calling.  This  fact  has  been  pre- 
served not  only  because  it  is  true  as  a  matter  of  fact,  but 
because  it  was  so  recognized  by  contemporaries.  This  ac- 
counts for  its  preservation  in  the  tradition.  Elijah  him- 
self was  a  character  of  such  imposing  proportions  himself, 
and  was  held  in  such  high  esteem  by  his  fellow  prophets, 
that  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  another  could  be  thought 
of  as  sharing  his  place  and  work,  unless  this  were  made 
necessary    by    actual    fact.      2.    Elisha    shows,    in    mode    of 

42 


life,  the  most  striking  contrast  to  Elijah.  Ellsha  Is  at 
home  in  the  proprieties  of  civilization.  He  knows  the 
meaning  of  a  homestead,  and  of  family  ties.  He  is  neither 
a  wanderer  nor  a  man  of  the  wilderness.  Yet,  with  all 
their  differences,  he  follows  with  equal  sincerity  the  pro- 
phetic call. 

These  two  aspects  of  Elisha's  career  find  such  abund- 
ant confirmation  in  the  narratives  in  which  he  appears, 
that  they  must  be  accepted  as  the  well  established  his- 
torical basis  upon  which  the  figure  of  Elisha  stands.  How- 
ever extravagant  some  of  the  marvels  may  seem,  which  are 
attributed  to  him,  however  widely  he  may  differ  in  manner 
and  method  from  Elijah,  these  two  elements  persist 
througout  the  records,  and  give  indispensable  aid  toward 
an  understanding  of  his  life  and  work. 

With  the  exception  of  the  above  passage,  all  the  ma- 
terial referring  to  Elisha  is  found  in  the  second  book  of 
Kings.  The  separation  of  this  material  into  three  groups 
has  already  been  made"'  As  the  passages  stand  at  present, 
it  is  evident  that  they  are  quite  lacking  in  logical  or  his- 
torical order.  E.  g.,  according  to  5:27,  Gehazi  is  smitten 
with  leprosy,  in  consequence  of  which  he  would  no  longer 
be  allowed  to  associate  with  those  who  were  sound.  But 
in  8:4-6,  Gehazi  appears  without  a  suggestion  of  such  a 
disease,  and  in  good  standing  at  court.  Again,  according 
to  6:  23,  "the  bands  of  Syria  came  no  more  into  the  land 
of  Israel;"  while  in  the  next  verse  it  is  stated  that  the 
Syrian  king  comes  to  besiege  Samaria.  Another  instance 
is  in  4:  38,  where  the  famine  is  mentioned  as  already  ex- 
isting; while  not  until  8:  1,  is  the  approach  of  the  famine 
annouced.  These  are  the  most  striking  indications  of  the 
disorder    in    which    the    present    arrangement    has    fallen. 


"'See  above  page  17. 

43 


This  fact  does  not  necessarily  weaken  the  validity  of  the 
various  accounts;  it  means  only  that  each  incident  must 
be  considered  on  its  own  merits. 

The  "prophetic"  group  of  passages  will  first  be  con- 
sidered. With  it  are  included  the  two  fragments,  13 : 
14-20a,  and  13:  20b,  21.  Several  passages  may  be  at  once 
dismissed.  They  represent  the  wonder  loving  folk  spirit 
which  is  glad  to  attach  to  an  eminent  char- 
acter the  account  of  deeds  he  might  be  supposed  to  per- 
form. It  should  not  be  overlooked  however  that  the  very 
fact  that  so  many  such  incidents  are  told  of  Elisha,  is  evi- 
dence of  the  impression  he  made  upon  his  contemporaries. 
To  the  people  he  appeared  more  sympathetic  and  approach- 
able than  the  forbidding  Elijah.  He  entered  more  inti- 
mately into  their  life,  and  their  imagination.  The  pass- 
ages which  exemplify  this,  but  which  offer  nothing  of 
historical  moment  are:  1.  Healing  the  spring  at  Jericho, 
2:19-22;  2.  The  mocking  children,  2:23-25;  3.  The 
poisonous  pottage,  4:38-41;  4.  Feeding  100  men,  4:42-44, 
5.  The  axe  head  recovered,  6:1-7;  6.  The  healing  power  of 
Elisha's  corpse,   18:20b-21. 

Two  passages  are  so  similar  to  what  is  told  of  Elijah, 
that  they  may  be  considered  imitations  of  those  incidents. 
Their  character  was  sufficiently  indicated  in  the  survey  of 
the  material  which  concerned  Elijah.'-^  The  passages  are: 
1.  The  oil  increased,  4:  1-7;  and  2.  The  Shunemite  woman 
and  her  son,  4:  8-37,  with  its  appendix,  8:  1-6.  Even  if 
these  accounts  were  original  here,  they  have  no  historical 
element  to  offer.  As  in  the  case  of  Elijah,  they  simply 
reflect  the  popular  estimate  of  Elisha  as  a  prophet  and 
man  of  God,  endowed  with  all  the  powers  popularly  attrib- 
uted to  such  persons. 


'pages  23  and  24. 

44 


Three  of  the  remaining  five  sections  of  this  group, 
although  so  overlaid  with  the  marvelous  as  to  be  of  very 
slight  value  for  historical  purposes,  are  important  for  their 
indication  of  the  part  Elisha  takes  in  the  affairs  of  the 
nation.  They  are:  1.  The  healing  of  Naaman,  5:  1-27; 
2.  Deliverance  at  Dothan,  6:8-23;  3  Elisha's  last  words, 
13:  14-20a.  Beneath  all  the  accretions  of  miraculous 
elements,  there  is  seen  clear  evidence  that  Elisha  was  a 
factor  in  the  national  life,  to  a  degree  never  approached 
by  Elijah. 

There  remains  of  this  group,  2:  1-18,  and  8:  7-15. 
Reference  to  the  latter  will  be  made  in  the  note  on  Elisha's 
relations  with  Syria.  The  former  is  important  not  only  as 
the  introduction  to  the  Elisha  cycle  of  narratives,  but  also 
as  supplying  a  key.  to  the  understanding  of  his  career,  and 
confirming  in  the  strongest  way  what  was  said  above,  p  42. 

The  acceptance  of  Elisha,  by  the  prophets,  as  the  suc- 
cessor of  Elijah,  could  not  be  more  strikingly  indicated 
than  by  this  scene.  Whatever  the  actual  occurrence  may 
have  been,  there  is  here  portrayed  in  the  most  realistic 
way,  the  idea  that  Elisha  is  divinely  appointed  to  carry  on 
the  v/ork  of  Elijah.  In  an  age  when  events  were  ascribed 
to  the  direct  action  of  God,  it  is  only  natural  that  an  event 
of  such  importance,  should  be  conceived  by  the  prophets 
who  peserved  these  traditions,  in  this  naive  oriental  fash- 
ion. Corresponding  to  the  idea  of  his  divine  appointment, 
is  the  recognition  Elisha  receives  at  the  hands  of  the  "sons 
of  the  prophets."  The  frequent  mention  of  these  represen- 
tatives of  the  prophetic  class  in  connection  with  Elisha,  is 
significant  because  of  the  additional  emphasis  thus  given 
to  a  trait  of  character  in  which  Elijah  seems  to  have  been 
wholly  lacking.  Throughout  the  narratives,  Elisha  is  uni-- 
formly  portrayed  as  one  who  has  a  power  of  authority  and 

45 


direction  which  operates  through  organization.  He  lives 
in  cities  and  in  royal  courts.  He  advises  kings  and  influ- 
ences national  affairs;  and  the  reference  here  made  to  his 
position  among  the  "sons  of  the  prophets"  reflects  one  of 
his  important  characteristics. 

The  phrase  "the  chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen 
thereof,"  here  uttered  as  a  tribute  to  Elijah,  appears  else- 
where only  in  connection  with  Elisha.  In  6:  17,  horses  and 
chariots  of  fire  defend  him;  and  in  13:  14  the  phrase  is 
used  of  Elisha  himself.  It  is,  of  course,  not  impossible 
that  the  phrase  should  have  been  used  of  both;  but  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  such  epithets  would  naturally  become  at- 
tached to  the  more  striking  character,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  considering  that  Elisha  was  concerned  in  Israel's  de- 
fence in  a  way  never  suggested  of  Elijah,  the  tribute  be- 
longs to  Elisha  rather  than  to  his  more  conspicuous  prede- 
cessor. 

The  passages  belonging  to  the  "royal"  group  are:  1. 
The  revolt  of  Mesha,  3:  4-27;  2.  The  siege  of  Samaria, 
6:24 — 7:20;  3.  The  revolt  and  accession  of  Jehu,  9:  1 — 
10:  27.  In  the  first  passage  four  facts  appear  which  are 
here  important:  a.  The  presence  of  Elisha  with  the  army; 
b.  The  recognition  of  Elisha  as  Elijah's  successor;  c.  The 
opposition  indicated  between  Elisha  and  the  king  of  Israel; 
d.  The  manner  in  which  Elisha  seeks  inspiration.  These 
are  the  more  convincing  because,  as  the  narrative  now 
stands,  they  are  details  subsidiary  to  the  main  purpose  of 
the  account.  They  show  clearly  that  Elisha  had  not  only  a 
recognized,  but  an  assured  place  among  the  king's  adher- 
ents, and  that  he  holds  this  in  spite  of  his  well  known  op- 
position to  the  reigning  dynasty.  As  Micaiah  was  present 
in  the  court  of  Ahab,  so  Elisha  is  here.  In  both  cases  they 
were    recognized    as    independent    and    fearless,    they    both 

46 


were  disliked  by  the  respective  kings,  yet  both  were  suf- 
ficiently secure  to  prevent  the  king  from  getting  rid  of 
them  In  any  surreptitious  way.  Elisha,  more  than  Micaiah, 
was  influential  in  these  circles,  whose  existence  is  perhaps 
only  obscurely  suggested  in  the  narratives.  But  the  con- 
ditions of  oriental  courts  in  modern  times,  would  sufllcient- 
ly  warrant  the  assumption  that  such  conditions  are  ancient. 
Neither  prophets  nor  kings,  in  matters  involving  popular 
co-operation,  can  act  single  handed;  they  must  have  fol- 
lowers and  support.  Such  a  statement  as  that  of  3:11, 
that,  "one  of  the  king  of  Israel's  servants  said,  Elisha  is 
here,"  points  clearly  to  a  group  loyal  to  Elisha. 

The  connection  of  Elisha  with  Elijah  is  important  be- 
cause most  historical  studies  of  these  two  prophets  have 
exalted  the  latter  and  degraded  the  former.  The  records 
at  hand,  however,  look  upon  them  as  joint  agents  In  a 
single  issue.  The  more  indefinite  the  records  of  Elisha  (and 
it  is  fully  recognized  here),  the  more  significant  is  the 
fact  that  all  of  them  persistently  associate  the  two  pro- 
phets in  their  influence  upon  their  own  period.  Whatever 
criticism  may  be  made  against  the  wisdom  or  ethics  of 
Elisha,*^  it  Is  none  the  less  due  to  him  that  the  work  of 
Elijah  was  brought  to  any  immediate  national  result.  This 
is  further  confirmed  in  the  hostile  feeling  of  Elisha  and 
the  king  toward  each  other — not  between  Elisha 
and  the  people,  but  between  him  and  the  house  of  Ahab. 
The  narratives  preserve  this  relation  with  interesting  con- 
sistency. 

The  reference  to  Elisha  invoking  divine  aid  by  means 
of  music  serves  to  emphasize  his  contrast  with  Elijah. 
This  is  the  chief  value  of  this  item  in  this  connection. 


'cf  Wellh:  Proe.  page  297. 

47 


In  the  account  of  the  siege  Samaria,  the  portrayal  of 
Elisha  strengthens  the  features  already  indicated.  Here 
again  Elisha  Is  among  those  who  attend  the  king;  the  op- 
position between  the  two  is  plainly  apparent,  and  even 
more  noticeable  than  before,  is  the  suggestion  that  Elisha 
has  his  own  circle  of  adherents,     (v.  32.) 

The  account  of  Jehu's  revolt  compares  favorably,  in 
its  vividness  and  power,  with  the  Elijah  narratives.  It  is 
conceded  even  by  advanced  critics,  that  this  passage  is  either 
contemporary  with  the  events  it  relates,  or  else  separated 
by  but  a  short  interval.®*  Although  its  literary  unity  may 
not  be  above  suspicion,*"-"'  as  a  historical  document  it  is 
worthy  of  the  highest  confidence,  subject  necessarily  to 
the  corrections  which  are  inevitable  in  the  case  of  oriental 
narratives.  The  following  facts  however  appear  with  all 
clearness:  a.  The  dynasty  of  Omri  was  overthrown  by 
Jehu,  one  of  the  officers  in  the  Israelitish  army.  After  a 
disastrous  battle  with  the  Syrians,  in  which  Joram  the 
king  of  Israel  was  wounded,""  Jehu  siezed  the  opportunity 
to  revolt.  The  army  rallied  to  his  support  and,  following 
the  time  honored  custom  of  exterminating  the  royal  house- 
hold and  all  male  survivors  of  the  ruling  family,  he  was 
able  to  establish  himself  firmly  on  the  throne,  b.  The  up- 
rising had  a  religious  as  well  as  a  political  aspect.  Here 
again  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  such  conflicts  as  these 
almost  invariably  find  a  religious  sanction.  It  is  only  on 
such  grounds  that  an  oriental  leader  could  gain  the  sup- 
port of  a  people  to  whom  the  claims  of  religion  are  para- 
mount.    To  isolate  Jehu's  treachery,  and  make  it  the  sole 


"Kuenen:  Onderzoek,  Germ,  trans,  page  82. 

"'9:29  is  an  obvious  instance;  and  9:   14b  15a  is  hardly  less 

certain. 
"^8:29. 

48 


cause  of  the  revolt,"  is  to  ignore  the  facts  of  oriental 
life.       Zeal  for    JHVH    from    Jehu's    point    of    view,    and 

in  the  view  of  his  contemporaries,  would  call  for  just  such 
a  performance  as  Jehu  carried  out.  Indeed,  the  incidental 
allusion  to  Jehonadab  the  Rechabite  (10:  15ff)  indicates 
that  the  popular  support  of  an  outbreak  against  Baal  was 
more  far  reaching  than  Wellhausen  seems  to  think/" 
c.  Elisha  was  the  center  and  representative  of  these  relig- 
ious interests.  Whatever  ends  of  his  own  Jehu  sought  to 
serve,  the  narrative  leaves  no  room  for  the  assumption 
that  his  revolt  would  have  succeeded  without  Elisha's 
support.  His  influence  is  felt  throughout:  directly  in  the 
annointing  of  Jehu;  and  indirectly,  in  the  connection 
which  the  narrative  maintains  between  the  revolt  and  the 
anti-Baal  movement  which  had  occurred  during  the  reign 
of  Ahab.  This  is  recognized  by  Wellhausen  when  he  says, 
"It  is  a  fact  that  the  prophets'  hatred  of  Baal  succeeded  at 
last  in  overthrowing  the  dynasty  of  Omri. 

b.     Personality: 

Prom  the  survey  of  the  scripture  material  it  has  al- 
ready appeared  that  the  personality  of  Elisha  forms  a  strik- 
ing contrast  to  that  of  Elijah.  Outwardly  there  was  noth- 
ing in  his  appearance  to  correspond  to  Elijah's  rude  manner 
of  dress."^     He   is   always   dignified   and   self  contained;    he 


"^Wellh:  Prol.  Eng.  tr  pages  291  f. 

'^^Ibid  page  292. 

«'iiKi.  2:23  is  referred  byi  Stade  (Z.  A.  T.  W.  1894  p  307) 
to  a  form  of  tonsure;  but  this  is  excluded  by  the  Israe- 
licish  custom.  Lev.  19:27  and  21:5.  If  on  the  other 
hand,  it  had  been  a  prophetic  custom  in  the  days  of 
Elisha,  the  practice  of  such  men  as  he  would  have  so 
sanctified  it,  as  to  make  its  condemnation  soon  after- 
terwards  most  improbable. 

^•'ilKl.  6:32. 

49 


lacks  the  impetuosity  and  fierce  enthusiasm  of  Elijah.  He 
dwelt  with  the  people,  was  widely  known,  easily  found,  and 
continually  appealed  to.  He  was  at  home  in  the  royal  court 
at  Samaria,  and  seems  to  have  lived  there  from  time  to 
time.  While  he  lacked  the  intensities  of  Elijah,  he  was 
steadier  and  more  reliable.  He  could  hold  steadily  to  a  set- 
tled policy,  and  bide  his  time  until  events  were  ripe  for  the 
carrying  out  of  his  plans.  To  accomplish  these  he 
worked  easily  with  others.  He  did  not  feel  it  necessary  to 
act  singlehanded;  he  was  able  to  direct.  These  matters 
however,  concern  talent  and  temperament. 

As  far  as  his  prophetic  call  was  concerned,  he  was  as 
devoted  and  as  steadfast  as  Elijah.  He  was  equally  cour- 
ageous in  his  opposition  to  the  king  and  equally  faithful  in 
his  obedience  to  the  word  of  JHVH.  In  integrity  of  char- 
acter, there  is  no  choice  between  the  two.  With  equal  de- 
votion to  JHVH  each  followed  the  prophetic  call  according 
to  the  direction  marked  out  for  him  by  the  circumstances  of 
his  time,  and  the  gifts  with  which  he  was  endowed. 

c.     Aim  and  method: 

Unlike  Elijah,  Elisha  had  a  definite  aim.  He  had 
caught  the  spirit  of  the  great  issue  between  JHVH  and  Baal, 
and  had  accepted  as  his  great  commission  the  dethronement 
of  the  dynasty  which  had  imperilled  the  nation's  faithful- 
ness to  JHVH.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  high  ethical 
conception  of  the  later  prophets  had  not  yet  been  promul- 
gated, and  on  the  basis  of  these  later  developments,  to  be- 
little the  significance  of  Elisha,  is  to  violate  historical 
values.  Even  the  prophets  of  that  day,  saw  no  other  way 
to  abolish  the  Baal  v/orship  they  denounced,  than  by  ex- 
terminating the  rulers  who  introduced  and  maintained  it. 
this  point  of  view  belongs  to  Elijah  as  well  as  Elisha.     To 

50 


accomplish  such  a  result  calls  for  foresight  and  direction, 
Elijah  either  did  not  see  this,  or  was  unable  to  under- 
take it.  Yet  his  zeal  and  victories  for  JHVH  would  have 
amounted  to  little,  unless  the  Baal  adherents,  who  were  at 
the  same  time  the  rulers  of  the  land,  were  signally  over- 
come. This  was  the  work  Elisha  undertook  and  accom- 
plished. His  attitude  toward  the  house  of  Ahab  is  consist- 
ently antagonistic,  and  is  so  recognized  by  the  king."  The 
anointing  of  Jehu  was  only  the  culmination  of  an  opposition 
long  maintained.  As  such  it  throws  a  significant  light  upon 
Elisha's  career.  It  is  difficult  tb  suppose,  in  view  of  what 
is  told  of  Elisha  in  the  course  of  the  various  narratives, 
that  his  selcetion  of  Jehu  was  a  random  choice.  Elisha  was 
familiar  with  the  people  of  the  court,  he  was  equally  at 
home  with  the  army,"  and  the  probabilities  all  point  to  his 
previous  knowledge  of  Jehu  as  early  as  the  days  of  Ahab." 
Neither  is  his  opposition  to  the  house  of  Ahab  a  sudden  im- 
pulse. It  too,  dates  from  the  same  early  period.  These 
two  facts  are  linked  together  in  Elisha's  plans  to  accom- 
plish what  he  conceives  as  Elijah's  great  work.  The  house 
of  Ahab  must  be  overthrown.  Elisha,  looking  about  for  a 
capable  instrument,  finds  him  in  Jehu.  He  then  waits  for  a 
suitable  opportunity.  This  occurs  at  the  battle  of  Ramoth- 
Gilead,  and  there  he  calls  Jehu  to  action.  This  view  is 
supported  by  all  the  facts  of  the  case;  and  modern  students 
all  agree  that  it  was  the  prophetic  activity  which  finally  ac- 
complished the  downfall  of  the  dynasty  of  Ahab.  This 
means,  however,  that  Elisha  takes  a  much  more  important 
place  in  the  history  than  is  commonly  accorded  him,  and 
that  his  relation  to  Elijah  is  by  no  means  that  of  a  mere 
subordinate.     His  aim  was  more  definite,  his  method  more 


MiKi.  3:11,  13;  6:32. 

^^ii  Ki.  3. 

'cf.  ilKl.  9:36 

51 


consistent,  and  his  success  more  complete.  He  has  suffered 
in  comparison  with  Elijah  chiefly  because  he  lacked  an  en- 
thusiastic temperament  and  an  adequate  biographer.  His 
performances  were  not  sensational,  and  did  not  lend  them- 
selves to  vivid  literary  portrayal.  But  he  was  a  prophet  of 
insight  and  of  power,  and  well  deserves  to  be  coupled  with 
Elijah  in  the  intimate  and  equal  way  that  appears  in  all 
the  early  records. 

d.  Results: 

The  end  toward  which  Elisha  had  steadily  advanced 
was  the  overthrow  of  the  royal  supporters  of  Baal.  It  is  in 
view  of  this  intention  that  his  work  must  be  estimated. 
Wellhausen"  finds  in  Jehu's  revolt  nothing  but  the  treason- 
able ambition  of  a  murderous  traitor.  It  is  much  nearer  the 
truth,  however,  to  suppose  that  Jehu  took  himself  seriously 
in  the  role  asigned  him."  It  is  due  to  Elisha  then  that  the 
movement  inspired  by  Elijah  came  to  any  tangible  result. 
His  choice  of  a  leader  was  vindicated  by  the  thorough- 
going, if  cold  blooded  fashion  in  which  Jehu  accomplished 
his  task.  Elisha  then,  must  be  recognized  as  the  one  who 
brought  to  successful  issue  the  movement  which  Elijah  in- 
itiated against  the  house  of  Ahab  and  the  Tyrian  Baal. 
That  later  tradition  has  practically  ignored  him,  is  due  to 
the  overwhelming  impression  made  by  the  personality  of 
Elijah,  rather  than  because  Elisha  was  in  any  way  less  suc- 
cessful, or  less  important  in  the  course  of  the  Hebrew  his- 
tory than  his  predecessor. 

e.  Relations  with  Syria: 

In  view  of  the  frequent  wars  between  Israel  and  Syria, 
it  is  at  first  confusing  to  find  suggestions  of  such  intimancy 


"Prol.  Eng.  tr.  pp  291  f.  also  Cornill,  Proph.  of  Isr.  p  33 
"cf.  Smith:  O.  T.  Hist.  p.  200. 

.^2 


between  the  two  kingdoms,  and  especially  between  Elisha 
and  the  Syrians  as  appear  in  these  narratives.  Jt  is  even 
told  that  Elisha  visits  Damascus  as  one  well  known  there," 
and  announced  to  Hazael  his  approaching  accession  to  the 
Syrian  throne."  These  conditions  become  intelligible  when 
the  following  facts  are  considered.  The  Israelites  and  Syr- 
ians were  not  always  at  war;  neither  did  the  same  side  al- 
ways win  when  they  fought.  At  other  times  they  united 
against  a  common  foe."  Territorially  they  were  contigu- 
ous, and  Damascus  and  Samaria  were  not  far  distant  from 
each  other.  According  to  the  fortunes  of  battle,  the  Syrians 
had  ''streets"  in  Samaria,  or  the  Israelites  had  "streets"  in 
Damascus,  presumably  neutral  ground  reserved  for  pur- 
poses of  trade.^*  It  was  quite  natural  then  that  in  times  of 
peace,  or  of  confederation,  intercourse  should  be  unrestrict- 
ed and  frequent.  In  the  days  of  Elisha,  the  average  of  vic- 
tory fell  to  the  Syrians,  but  they  were  not  always  victors, 
and  years  of  peace  frequently  intervened,  so  that  the  pres- 
ence of  Israelites  in  Damascus,  or  of  Syrians  in  Samaria 
would  be  quite  a  matter  of  course.  The  story  of  Naaman, 
questionable  as  it  is  in  some  respects,  is  trustworthy  at  least 
to  the  extent  to  which  it  reflects  this  fredom  of  intercourse 
between  the  two  Kingdoms. 

^^li  Ki.    8:7. 
"ii  Ki.  8:13. 
"cf.  i  Ki.  15:19. 
^''i  Ki.   20:34. 


53 


/. 


V. 
THE  WORK  OF  ELIJAH  AND  ELISHA. 

Section  V.     The  Work  of  Elijah  and  Elisha. 

The  work  of  these  two  prophets  must  be  considered  as 
one  work,  whose  center  of  gravity  is  found  in  the  definite 
issue  raised  between  the  worship  of  Baal  and  the  worship 
of  JHVH.  Elijah's  outburst  against  the  priests  of  Baal  had 
awakened  him  to  the  deeper  significance  of  their  presence 
in  Israel,  and  led  him  to  denounce  the  King  who  had  en- 
couraged them.  Elisha  grasps  the  situation  and  with  equal 
courage  and  with  greater  patience,  plans  the  overthrow  of 
the  dynasty.  What  they  sought  to  accomplish  was  the  abol- 
ition of  Baal  worship,  and  the  establishment  of  the  ex- 
clusive worship  of  JHVH. 


What  they  actually  accomplished  was  a  political  revolu- 
tion actuated  by  religious  motives.  Although  they  were 
successful  in  their  plan  to  overthrow  the  house  of  Ahab, 
it  is  clear  that  their  efforts  were  not  of  a  character  that 
could  have  any  lasting  spiritual  influence.  Their  conception 
of  JHVH  must  be  judged  by  the  ends  they  sought  in  his 
honor.  GunkeP"  has  laid  much  emphasis  upon  Elijah's  ac- 
tivity as  a  champion  of  justice.  But  the  movement  as  a 
whole,  as  directed  by  Elijah  and  Elisha,  leaves  no  room  for 
this  as  its  characteristic  motive. ''^  The  championship  of 
JHVH  which  has  been  so  frequently  pointed  out  by  modern 

'*^op.  cit.  pp  48f. 
*'cf.  also  above  p  32. 

54 


students,*"  was  but  a  re-affirmation  of  the  traditional, 
though  neglected,  faith,  and  failed  to  leave  any  traces  that 
can  now  be  recognized  When  the  prophets  of  the  following 
century  raised  their  voices  against  the  Baals,  they  had  ad- 
vanced to  a  far  more  spiritual  conception  of  JHVH;  and  in 
consequence  sought  different  ends,  and  used  different 
means,  from  those  which  engaged  Elijah  and  Elisha.  Yet 
their  testimony  shows  beyond  question  that  no  lasting  re- 
ligious impression  had  resulted  from  the  work  of  these  two 
prophets.  The  house  of  Jehu  accomplished  much  in  the  way 
of  political  and  material  advancement  of  the  Kingdom; 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  the  great  religious  agitation  which 
succeeded  in  placing  this  line  upon  the  throne.  By  the 
later  prophets  Jehu  is  denounced  for  his  bloody  deeds,"  and 
the  people  for  their  continued  worship  of  the  Baals. 

Even  more  striking  is  the  fact  that  the  later  references 
to  either  Elijah  or  Elisha  lack  any  allusion  to  this  cham- 
pionship of  JHVH,  as  this  is  currently  understood.  The 
reference  to  Elijah  and  Elisha  in  Ecclesiasticus'*  contains 
no  indication  of  this  significance  of  their  work.  Referen- 
ces in  the  N.  T.  have  already  been  noted.^^  The  conclusion 
cannot  be  avoided  that,  whatever  religious  significance 
the  work  of  these  two  prophets  possessed,  it  was  so  over- 
shadowed by  the  political  elements  involved,  that  it  left 
no  surviving  trace. 

Their  work  stands  as  a  bold  and  daring  effort  to  re- 
establish the  ancient  faith;  but  their  methods  were  political 
and  their  message,  although  re-affirming  one  of  the  strong- 
est elements  in  the  Mosaic  tradition,  offered  nothing  origin- 


*-e.  g.  Kittel,  Gunkel,  and  many  others. 

«^Hos.  1:4. 

"MSil-ie. 

'^See  above  p  40. 

55 


/ 


al.  Since  the  days  of  Moses,  however,  none  had  been  actu- 
ated by  a  more  exalted  or  far-reaching  purpose,  nor  had 
any  stood  upon  a  higher  level  of  consistency  and  accom- 
plishment. Upon  their  awn  age  they  left  an  ineffaceable 
impression,  and  they  raised  an  issue  which,  taken  up  by 
later  prophets  from  a  different  standpoint,  was  destined  to 
become  one  of  the  most  valuable  contributions  made  by  the 
Hebrew  people  to  the  religion  of  the  world. 


56 


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